The emergence of Quadrilateral Security Dialogue
The world order can never remain static and undergoes continuous changes. New organizations and institutions have formed that work towards the achievement of a common goal. The last decade has seen the rise of one such institution known as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) comprising of India, Australia, Japan and the United States. The mechanism of Quad propounds for Free, Open and Rules-based Indo-Pacific. The Quad formation had its beginnings in joint efforts by navies of Japan, Australia, India and the United States arising out of the international tragedy of the tsunami of 2004. Quad’s origins can be traced to the “Arc of Freedom and Prosperity” envisaged by Shinzo Abe former Prime Minister of Japan.
The major reason for its conception of the Quad was to curb the growing assertiveness of China in the South China Sea and the East China Sea. This informal grouping was however short-lived. The four nations met on the sidelines of the ASEAN Regional Forum summit in the Philippines to discuss areas of common interest. The year 2007 also saw the beginning of Malabar Exercises. The grouping was widely criticized by China. Critics of Quad pointed out that it could become an ‘Asian NATO’ as the objectives of Quad were not clearly specified. Due to growing criticisms of Quad especially by China, the four nations began to distance Quad as a strategic grouping.
The CSIS report published in 2020 titled ‘Defining the Diamond: The past, present, and future of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue’ by Patrick Gerard Buchan and Benjamin Rimland traces the evolution of Quad in 2007, reasons for its failure in initial years and its revival after 2017. It cites China’s revisionist behaviour in the last decade that led to a consensus-building among the four nations to work in close collaboration to counter China’s growing hegemony in the region. It discusses each country’s ingrained interest in the region which have forged ties between the states and is clearly visible information of Quadrilateral Security Dialogue.
An article was written by Lavina Lee in ‘The Strategist’ published in 2017 titled ‘It’s time to revisit the Quad’ cites reasons the four nations would further engage in enriching ties with each other for the resurgence of Quad. It explores leadership provided by Modi, Shinzo Abe and Trump with whose efforts Quad resurged post-2017. Quad is a grouping that goes beyond regional boundaries and talks of free, open and rules-based Indo-Pacific. The maritime sphere needs to be free from anyone country’s hegemony is agreed by all littoral states of the South China Sea too. However, China has a confrontation with littoral states in South China Sea and wants to establish itself as a regional hegemon.
The ministerial-level meeting in 2019 held on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York marks an important development for the future of Quad. The first standalone meeting of Quad was held in 2020 in Tokyo in presence of Indian External Affairs Minister Dr Jaishankar, Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs Marise Ann Payne, Japan’s Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. Here, the nations reaffirmed their “collective vision” of maintaining a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific in face of growing Chinese assertiveness. This meeting is significant and very different from earlier meetings held because for the very first time US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo talked of collaboration to “protect our people and partners from Chinese Communist Party’s exploitation, corruption and coercion, we have seen in South and the East China Sea, the Mekong, the Himalayas, Taiwan Strait”. He also envisaged Quad as a force for good in the region.
On March 12, 2021, U.S. President Joe Biden, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison and Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga, virtually convened the first-ever summit-level meeting of Quad. They did discuss the “challenge” posed by China during the first meeting of Quad, and they made clear that none of them has any “illusions” about Beijing. The Quad leaders reaffirmed their commitment to quadrilateral cooperation between Australia, India, Japan, and the United States and added that they are united in a shared vision for free and open Indo-Pacific and that Quad would strive for a region that is free, open, inclusive, healthy, anchored by democratic values, and unconstrained by coercion.
Today, global devastation wrought by COVID-19, the threat of climate change, and security challenges facing the region summon members of Quad with renewed purpose. On the historic occasion of March 12, 2021, the first-ever leader-level summit of Quad, leaders of Quad nations pledged to strengthen their cooperation on defining challenges of the time.
Over the years, India has viewed Quad as inclusive, this indicates India’s approach towards a free and open Indo-Pacific. The Quad also represents India’s evolving foreign policy. Aligning with like-minded countries without making a formal alliance or discounting its relationship with countries outside Quad is a hallmark of India’s evolving foreign policy strategy. India is an important player in the Quad. Australia considers India to be a ‘significant strategic partner’ in the Indian Ocean Region. Julie Bishop, the former Australian politician who served as Minister for Foreign Affairs from 2013 to 2018 said that Australia and India share a converging interest in the Indian Ocean as well as on the key pillars of security cooperation, economic engagement and, people-to-people linkages. India’s approach towards Quad can be viewed in terms of the following: First, India finds itself comfortable with the four democracies to collaborate and ensure a rules-based order in Indo-pacific. Secondly, Quad provides India with a platform to address power asymmetry in Asia and Indo-Pacific. Thirdly, India has to preserve its strategic interest in the maritime domain in Indo-Pacific especially with Beijing’s emergence as a revisionist power in Indo-Pacific through its Silk Road strategy. It is also pertinent to understand that Quad does not necessarily protect India’s security interests. Thus, New Delhi should view Quad as a mechanism to enhance its ties with states in the Indo-Pacific area, promote inclusivity in the region by participating in various forums like Asia Africa Growth Corridor, Indian Ocean Commission etc.
The Indian Ocean and the Pacific remain vital geo-strategically for India to be a regional and global player. India needs to also scale up its engagements in the region to be one of the norm makers. India’s focus mainly remains on increase in stakes within the region and avoiding any directed efforts against increasing Chinese influence. Better late than never, India should continue to aspire to become a net security provider in the Indian Ocean to maintain peace, stability and autonomy of the region. India should not only act to contain China in the region but also to build individual capacity to become an influential global actor in the current multipolar international order.
The Quad could emerge as an organisation having the potential to decide norms in the broader Indo-Pacific region. It is important to formulate a democratic order in the region as all nations – small or large have been involved and get affected in some or other ways in Indo-Pacific. Quad can step in here and ensure that security and peace prevail in the region. It is to be noted that the emergence of any one state as hegemon in this region will disturb security and thus, the regional and extra-territorial powers have to ensure that any attempt in this direction will be detrimental for the growth and prosperity of all. The region which is crucial for trade, tourism, economy, etc. has to be free, open and rules-based as postulated by Quad to ensure that each country progress without having to undergo any conflict and contestations with others.
From a realist perspective, geopolitics is much about establishing spheres of influence; therefore, the Indo-Pacific as a geopolitical construct will necessarily involve such competition. While the US seeks to maintain its influence in the region in the face of the Chinese challenge, it also seeks to boost India’s influence eastwards of the Malacca Straits, and Japan’s influence in the Indian Ocean. As the world’s economic ―centre of gravity is being considered to be shifted towards Asia, also termed as the eastern hemisphere, the link between geo-economics and the ocean realm becomes inextricable. With China’s rising influence and presence in the South China Sea and Indian Ocean region, the US observed a need to strengthen its ties with Asian powers to counter Chinese assertion in the region. The rise of China has disturbed the regional balance in the region that was prevalent since the Cold War. Major powers of the world are concerned about the security of the region and believe that India could play a crucial role in maintaining order in the Indo-Pacific. The extensive participation of the four nations in Quad reflects their common concerns and thus believe that issues have to be addressed collectively. The mechanism of Quad has thus acquired prominence since 2017 and in coming years will continue to see collaborations with other countries and will lead to further enlargement like the Quad plus framework.
Against the backdrop of these developments, various articles in this edition of the journal on Quadrilateral Security Dialogue and India, examine geopolitical dimensions, economic ties and other aspects of Quad and Quad’s links with India in the context of the Indo-Pacific region. The growth of India’s power and its active diplomacy can be seen in its renewed focus on Quad.
