Abstract:

Indian women and their empowerment are playing a big role in pushing the country’s growth. Over the past nine years, under visionary leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi India has pivoted towards paradigm of ‘women-led development’. The Government of India considers women-led development a central dimension of India’s progress and necessity for strengthening India and is focused on promoting “Nari Shakti” in India. The Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam is historic legislation which will further boost women’s empowerment and enable greater participation of women in governance processes.

Keywords:Women Empowerment, Women-led Development, Nari Shakti, Women’s Reservation Bill, Political empowerment.

Introduction

As India propels itself to become a dominant global economic force, the role of women in contributing to the nation’s growth increasingly becomes indispensable with each passing day. Indian women and their empowerment are playing a big role in pushing the country’s growth. Over the past nine years, under visionary leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi India has pivoted towards paradigm of ‘women-led development’. As said by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, “We cannot achieve success if 50 per cent of our population being women are locked at home”. The Government of India considers women-led development a central dimension of India’s progress and a necessity for strengthening India and is focused on promoting “Nari Shakti” in India and is committed to improve women’s lives in the country and remove any bottlenecks that come in the way of their development. It has internalised the principle that a nation’s growth is inextricably linked to growth of its women. “From financial inclusion to social security, quality healthcare to housing, education to entrepreneurship, many efforts have been made to put our Nari Shakti at forefront of India’s development journey. These efforts will continue with even greater vigour in the coming times.” states Prime Minister Narendra Modi (PIB, 2023).

Over the past nine years under the Modi government, numerous welfare schemes have been launched that have aimed to empower women and make them lead India’s development journey and women have surged ahead with notable accomplishments. This progress is evident in increased representation of female police personnel, accolades secured by our sportswomen on international platforms. India has highest numbers of women pilots in civil aviation. About 1.4 million that is 46 per cent of elected representatives in rural local bodies are women. The outcomes of these initiatives are evident, ushering in a transformative change in India’s social fabric. Focus on women-led development is not mere political strategy but deeply embedded ethos. This transformative journey also signifies a paradigm shift in societal perceptions – where women are no longer merely beneficiaries but are active contributors and shapers of India’s destiny (Seetharaman, 2023).

Women Empowerment

Women empowerment is buzzword in all societies, developed as well as developing. It involves economic, social, legal and political empowerment. The issue of women empowerment is complex, multi-dimensional and very much crucial for development of women. Women play an integral part in society; without their progress, overall progress of society comes to a halt. Empowerment is process by which powerless gain greater control over circumstances of their lives. It includes both controls over resources and over ideology (Gupta, 2012). ‘Empower’ means to equip one with power to face challenges of life, to overcome disabilities, handicaps and inequalities. Empowerment is an active multi-dimensional process which should enable women to realise their identities and powers in all spheres of life. It would provide them with greater access to knowledge and resources, greater autonomy in decision-making, greater ability in planning their lives, greater control over circumstances that influence their life and freedom from shackles imposed on them by custom, belief and practice (Alam and Jabeen, 2012).

Different countries use several strategies to empower women, which include legislation, advocacy – gender activism, media campaign, access to education and training, access to healthcare and amenities, access to productive resources and mainstreaming gender in social, economic and political process. Though there are commonalities in strategies among countries, there are differences depending on existing circumstances and culture of each society (Mensah and Boateng, 2012). It is predominant assumption that women must seek power and participate in political sphere at par with their male counterparts for improvement of their situation in our society having dominance of patriarchal notions (Verma and Archana Kumari, 2012).

Women Empowerment in Ancient India

Scholars believe that in ancient India, women enjoyed equal status with men in all aspects of life. Works by Patanjali and Katyayana suggest that women were exposed to education in early Vedic period. Scriptures such as Rig Veda and Upanishads mention several women sages and seers, notably Gargi and Maitreyi. If estimate of excellence of civilisation and culture depends upon degree of excellence of its women, then women of Vedic age and epic period prove it beyond all doubt. Knowledge of Brahman or Vagambhrni Rigveda (10.125.1-8), intellectualism of Garg Vachknavi (BrihadaranyakaUpanisada, 3.6.1), Yogic mysticism of Sulabha (Mahabharata Shantiparva, 320), scholarship of Arundhati who was an Acharya (teacher) in her own right (Mahabharata Anushasanparva, 130), wifely devotedness of Savitri (Mahabharata, Vanaparva, 297), consummate chastity of Anasuya (Mahabharata, Adiparva, 65) and perfect personification of all great womanly virtues called Sita (Ramayan) – these are unique qualities of all-time great women of India who have shown by their life and example, to what glorious height women can rise (Raje, 2014).

This could happen only because Vedanta, the quintessence of Hindu scriptures, has declared in unequivocal terms that man and woman are two aspects of one and same divinity (Shvetasvatara Upanishad 4.3; BrihadaranyakaUpanisada, 1.4.3). Hence, both have same capacity to realise that divinity. So they should be given equal opportunities to do so. This is established by examples of Maitreyi as seeker of truth (BrihadaranyakaUpanisada, 2.4.3-5) and Vagambhrni as perfected soul (Rigveda, 10.125) (Raje, 2014).

Women were given full freedom to pursue any goal of life. This is amply proved through Hindu scriptures of early periods. In Rigveda itself, about thirty women sages like Vishvavara (5.28), Apala (8.91) and GhosaKakshivati (10.39) have been mentioned as seers of hymns. Girls who underwent upanayana sacrament and studied Vedas either in Gurukulas (house of Guru) or at home were known as Brahmavadini. The sadyovadahu were those girls who did not study Vedas but were straight away given in marriage. But even these girls underwent Upanayana Sacrament just before marriage. Even during Epic period women could undergo Upanayana ceremony, study Vedas and be teachers of Vedas. This tradition probably disappeared by time of Manusmriti (200 BC) (Raje, 2014).

There are very few texts specially dealing with role of women. An important exception is Stri Dharma Paddhati of Tryambakayajavan, an official at Thanjavur, c. 1730. The text compiles strictures on women’s behaviour dating back to Apastambasutra (c. 4th Century BCE). The opening verse goes: “mukhyodharmhsmrtishuvihitobhartrshushruShanam hi” (Women are enjoined to be of service to their husbands).Women enjoyed equal status and rights during early Vedic period. In 500 B.C. status of women began to decline with Smritis (especially Manusmriti) and with invasion of Mughals and Christianity later curtailing women’s freedom and rights. There was denial of economic role in breadwinning to woman. “Wife, son and slave, three are said to be without property; whatever they acquire is his to whom they belong (Manu Smriti, 8.416). According to Jhunjunwala and Jhunjunwala (2004), woman’s ‘disempowerment’ was really reflection of delivering her from responsibility of breadwinning. Yet there was a role for women in man’s breadwinning. “Goddesses, may we win by your good favour wealth by hundreds and by thousands” (Rig Veda, 1.124.13). Jhunjunwala and Jhunjunwala (2004) state that powers of knowledge, strength, and wealth are personified as female deities of Saraswati, Durga and Laxmi. It is by worshipping the female that male succeeds in breadwinning. This worship of the female should be understood as invoking woman’s psychic powers to assist the man in securing desired objects (Jhunjunwala and Jhunjunwala, 2004:71).

Women Development and Empowerment in Global context

There has been growing global interest in empowering women for national development in development literature (Scheyvens and Lagisa, 1998). The United Nations General Assembly declared International Year of the Women in 1975 followed by International Women’s Decade and organised three world conferences – Mexico in 1975, Copenhagen in 1980 and Nairobi in 1985. The fourth world conference on women was organised in Beijing in 1995, focused on structural changes that are necessary in society. It emphasised that no enduring solutions to societies most threatening social, economic and political problems can be found without full participation and empowerment of women (Gupta, 2012). The UN Decade for Women (1975-1985) pushed the concern of women in all countries to centre stage and strengthened women’s resolve to be heard and seen while Beijing Conference held in China in 1995 gave further boost to this quest. The goal of Beijing platform was to reverse the disadvantaged situation of women in decision making at all levels (Mensah and Boateng, 2012).Constitution of India and Women Empowerment

The Constitution of India guarantees to all Indian women equality (Article 14), no discrimination by the State (Article 15(1), equality of opportunity (Article 16), and equal pay for equal work (Article 39(d)). It allows special provisions to be made by State in favour of women and children (Article 51(A) (e)) and allows for provisions to be made by State for securing just and humane conditions of work and for maternity relief (Article 42).Article 39 (a) provides that State shall in particular, direct its policy towards securing that all citizens, men and women equally have right to an adequate means of livelihood. Article 51 A (e) imposes that duty of every citizen in India to renounce practices derogatory to dignity of women. Constitution of India is basic document which provides for women empowerment within framework of plenary provision of Articles 14, 15 (3), 21, 39 (a), 51 A (e) and Preamble. The Preamble to the Constitution of India promises, “to secure to all citizens, justice – social, economic and political; liberty of thought expression, belief, faith and worship; equality of status and opportunity; and to promote among them fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity of the nation”. Equality before the law for women (Article 14)

i. The state not to discriminate against any citizen on the grounds of only the religion, sex, place of birth or any of them (Article 15 (i))

ii. Equality of opportunity for all citizens in matters relating to employment or appoint to any office under the State (Article 15 (3))

iii. State to raise the level of nutrition and the standard of living of people (Article 47).

iv. The state to make provision for securing just and humane conditions of work and for maternity relief (Article 42).

v. The State to direct its policy towards securing for men and women equally the right to an adequate means of livelihood (Article 39 (a)) and equal pay for equal work for both men and women (Article 39 (d)).

vi. To promote justice, on the basis of equal opportunity and to provide free legal aid by suitable legislation or scheme or in other way to ensure that opportunities for securing justice are not denied to any citizen by reason of economic or other disabilities (Article 39A).

vii. The state to promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people and protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation (Article 46).

viii. To promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood amongst all the people of India and to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women (Article 51(A) (e))

ix. Not less than one-third (including the number of seats reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes) of the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every Panchayat to be reserved for women and such seats to be allotted by rotation to different constituencies in a Panchayat (Article 243 D (3)).

x. Not less than one-third of the total number of offices of Chairpersons in Panchayats at each level to be reserved for women (Article 243 D (4)).

xi. Not less than one-third (including the number of seats reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes) of the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every Municipality to be reserved for women and such seats to be allotted by rotation to different constituencies in a Municipality (Article 243 T (3)).

xii. Not less than one-third of the total number of offices of Chairpersons in Municipalities for Scheduled Tribes, Scheduled Castes and women in such a manner as legislature of a State by law may provide (Article 243 T (4)).

Women’s Political Empowerment

The first two strategic goals of social empowerment and economic empowerment aimed at political empowerment of women (Mawaya, 1999). These goals have largely not been achieved because of hydra-headed problem confronting women was not looked at holistically. One cannot delink social and economic empowerment from political empowerment (Mensah and Boateng, 2012). There are countries like Sweden, Finland and Norway where women make up almost half of the national legislatures (Gupta, 2012). It would seem logical to look at how women are represented in political system, particularly through electoral process. In history and politics of women’s representation, there have been two critical threads: one has to do with voting rights and other has to do with women’s representation in governing bodies (Singer, 2020).Voting rights have to do with individual rights which women have as citizens. This emerged initially as right to suffrage, guaranteeing women the right to vote, and later about increasing the turnout of women voters. But is there a political right for women’s representation in the governing bodies? That is providing some kind of set aside, such as reservations or nominations, to guarantee women seats in councils, legislatures, Parliament (Singer, 2020). The nature of this demand has also changed drastically over time. Discussion on one-third representation of women in parliament and state legislatures has also received scholarly attention (Kapoor and Ravi, 2013; Dutoya, 2016). Studies link discussions of reservations to women’s participation in elections as voters as well; the number of women voters has increased steadily over past elections (Kapoor and Ravi, 2014).

Historical Development of Women’s Political Empowerment

In the fight for franchise in India, the women advocates connected right to vote to necessity of women in public office representing women’s interests. The right to vote came in stages with a delegation of women meeting the Montague – Chelmsford Committee on Constitutional Reforms in 1917. Geraldine Forbes (1979) discusses that, “The demand for votes for women was based on the notion that women could bring something new and special to the political realm. Demands were not rooted in concept of ‘radical equality’, that is all individuals are born equal and therefore deserve same rights, but on notions of ‘social equality’ that stressed differences between men and women and insisted on right to participate fully because of this difference”.

Women lobbying through various associations and political organisationsdid not succeed in gaining women the vote in Government of India Act 1919. However, possibility of legislation in Provincial Council was left open. Madras was first presidency to give women right to vote in 1921 and was one of the states that allowed women to run for seats in Legislative Council. Muthulakshmi Reddy, a doctor and advocate for social reforms was appointed to the Council in 1927. Hannen Angelo then ran and won a seat in the Madras Municipal Council. Most women’s organisations opposed “reservations” or “appointment” of women to political bodies in favour of equality for women in the election process. 1n 1928, municipalities were opened for women to contest elections in presidency of Madras, vide amendment to District Municipalities Act, 1928,

The Constitution used language of equal citizenship to define right to vote. It assumed equality under law as clearly articulated in Article 15 that prevents discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth. However, Section (3) of that Article, states “Nothing in this article shall prevent the state from making any special provision for women and children”. The constitution defines women as a separate category of citizen, just as it contains provisions that guarantee certain special rights to religious minorities, or reservations for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.

The legitimate claim of women interests in democratic governance is yet to be consolidated. The representation of women as voters, candidates and elected MP has been increasing, but in small numbers (Dagar, 2020). Women leaders fall well short of a critical mass in numbers to make them ‘isolated and constrained’ in advancing gender equality (Rai and Spary, 2019).With majority being ‘dynasts’, part of political families, rather than independently evolved voices for ‘women interests’ or promoting deliberative democracy from different perspectives (Dagar, 2020). Strategies to bridge gap in political inequalities has been evolved from right to vote to more substantive participation and reservation of women’s seats in legislatures (Phillips, 1995).

Women continued to inch into electoral politics with growing number of candidates and elected representatives. 1.3 per cent number of female candidates per constituency was marginal rise in 2019 elections over 1.2 per cent in previous election, though much restricted in agency and participation in comparison to men for whom number was 13.4 per cent (Dagar, 2020). Women’s number in Indian legislature falls well short of both global average of 24.3 per cent (Inter-Parliamentary Union, n.d.) and from one-third critical mass widely acknowledged as change initiating (Dagar, 2020).

Women Candidature by Political Parties

Women candidature was boosted by reservation in ticket distribution by two parties based in eastern India: All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) led by woman leader who reserved 40 per cent for women candidates and one-third reservations by state party Biju Janata Dal (BJD). This initiative took overall allocation for women candidates by state-based parties to 10.3 per cent and slightly higher for national parties at 12.5 per cent. A record number of 724 women entered as candidates in 2019 comprising 9.02 per cent of the contestants, a per cent more than in 2014. While reservation of women candidates was done by AITC and BJD, integration of women entitlements into their political campaign by BJP, both moves were aimed at capturing women’s votes. One with political presence and other with improved conditions of living faced by poor women (Dagar, 2020). Basic rights and protections offer women most immediate gains, while gender inequalities remain intangible though fundamental to democracy (Phillips, 2018).

Women’s Reservations in Panchayati Raj Act and Municipal Council Act 1993

From the early 1990s which witnessed constitutional reservations of seats for women in local government, political empowerment has emerged as a salient issue for the women’s movement in India. By far the most significant institutional mechanism to enable women’s political participation is reservation for women in local self-government bodies. Constitutional Amendments in 1992 mandating a 33 per cent reservation for women in rural panchayats and in 1993 mandating a 33 per cent reservation for women in urban bodies like municipalities brought large numbers of women into the system. The implementation of the Panchayati Raj Act and Municipal Councils Act of 1993 changed precedents by reserving 33 per cent seats for women.

108th Amendment (Women’s Reservation Bill, 1999)

The 108th Amendment (Women’s Reservation Bill) that proposed to extend women’s reservations to Parliament and State Legislative Assemblies, was an extension of this earlier practice. Women’s groups argue that reservation for women in Lok Sabha and State Assemblies is naturally corollary to their reservation in panchayats and municipalities (Rashtra Mahila, 1999).

Women’s Reservation Bill, 2008

Women’s Reservation Bill was earlier introduced and even passed in Rajya Sabha on 9th March 2010. But it was never taken up for consideration in Lok Sabha and eventually lapsed in 2014. It was opposed by some political parties. It is catastrophic that in name of women all political parties – big and small – make huge hue and cry. When issue of women’s reservation in parliament or state legislature came no unanimity was seen. Though Congress has Sonia Gandhi as President, BSP has Mayawati as Supremo, TMC has Mamta Banerji, and other parties have notable women politicians, Indian Parliament could not get Women’s Reservation Bill passed then. Jayalalita, Uma Bharti, SushmaSwaraj, Margaret Alva, VasundharaRaje, Brinda Karat, Renuka Chaudhuri, SupriyaSule, Nirmala Seetharaman, SmritiIrani and many more names are / were there.Persons like Meira Kumar and Sumitra Mahajan were speakers of Lok Sabha. Despite that, position of women in politics has always been marginal.Although women constitute half of world’s population, their participation in political life has been negligible all along. Today, at world level only nearly 10 per cent of parliamentary positions and six per cent of cabinet ministerial posts are occupied by women. Only a few countries have crossed 30 per cent representation of women in their parliaments. Women’s right to equal political participation including their right to vote was accepted in India much earlier than most Western societies conceded to this demand. Unlike West, where suffragettes had to fight prolonged battle for right to vote, political rights came to Indian women with relative ease owing to their noticeable participation in national movement to demand these rights from colonial rulers. Even though women in India had benefited from environment provided by freedom struggle and decolonolising experience, yet after independence the movement lost steam. Nothing epitomises political status of women more than fact that they have to demand 33 per cent reservation in Parliament and State Assemblies because they are getting nowhere in normal course.

Over the century, since women in India gained right to vote, question of women’s ability to exercise that right and to run for political office has been reinvented for different political moments. Advocates for greater participation among women in electoral process continued to balance contradictions between equal access and need for special provision of reservations. In 21st century balance shifted toward demand for women’s reservations. Women’s voter participation is linked to development, education, women’s independence. Women’s Bill keeps question of women’s representation in governing bodies as part of electoral discourse and is latest vehicle to move beyond question of “how do women vote?” to “how can women participate more fully in political system as candidates, legislators and political leaders?” Women’s bill has become conduit for rethinking women’s political participation to move back and forth between two notions of women’s representation – voter’s right to be represented and right to run for political office or to actively represent. Contemporary politics borrows from earlier debates about women’s franchise. Who would or should women legislators represent? How does form and mechanism through which women’s seats might be established influence larger question of what is a woman’s political constituency? (Singer, 2020).

Reluctance of Political Parties to field female candidates

Political parties remained reluctant to field female candidates unless they are judged potential winners. Today, women are creating waves and making forays into every male bastion. They have entered corporate world, have gone into space, they are pilots, soldiers, lawyers, journalists. There is only one area where their participation has dwindled and that is in India’s political life, till Prime Minister Narendra Modi boldly changed the perspective.

Paradox: Favourable Pre-election manifestos vs. Rejection of Women’s Reservation

Rarely such paradoxical situation has been faced. Pre-election manifestos of major political parties, Congress, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), CPI (M) and Trinamul Congress had promises to reserve one–third of seats for women in Lok Sabha and State legislatures. Yet, when Women Reservation Bill was tabled in parliament, we witnessed unruly politicians ruggedly tearing it and shouting it down. After two rounds of raucous rejection, first on 12th September 1996 under Deve Gowda government and then in 1998 under Vajpayee government, managed to introduce historic, still part of history 85th Constitutional Amendment Bill seeking to reserve 33 per cent seats for Women in legislative bodies. It is pertinent to note that there are many aspects surrounding history / nature of the bill and its fall out twice upon being tabled in Parliament. Instead of creating still opposition to the move, what was expected from Parliamentarians was reasoned and empirically grounded debate on reservation package – extent, location, under what conditions, for what period of time etc. Their repeated rejection of Bill showed self-serving instincts – case of around 180 MPs in Lok Sabha facing prospect of permanently losing their seats to women (Seminar, 1997).

Earlier Opposition to Women’s Reservation Bill

Political leaders and groups have earlier opposed Women’s Reservation Bill on grounds like reservations are unconstitutional, undemocratic, elitist. Rarely is it appreciated that reservations are not matter of principle, they are at best limited intervention in larger repertoire of affirmative action designed to correct prior distortions.

Social trends all over India indicate anxiety of central and state governments to embark on a policy of reservation for using classes of people as vote-banks and potential constituencies. The irony is that such governments instinctively know that the power structure which has put them where they are will not tolerate them if they try and change its rules, which makes up for reason that no party or politician likes to be seen opposing measures that claim to work for women’s empowerment but they will fight to keep it out anyway because it is against their interests. This explains why the very parties that supported Women’s Reservation Bill in their pre-election manifestoes sought to reject it every time it was tabled in Parliament.

Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam

The Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam is historic legislation which will further boost women’s empowerment and enable even greater participation of women in our political and governance processes. With the enactment of this legislation, India positions itself on the brink of a more radiant and inclusive tomorrow, with our Nari Shakti at the heart of this transformation. The path has been challenging, the battle prolonged, but finally Nari Shakti has emerged triumphant. In this moment of success, it is crucial to acknowledge former Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao’s government for introducing 33 per cent reservation in the Panchayat Raj system. This initiative has led to an upsurge in women’s participation, with many states even increasing reservation to 50 per cent at grassroot level (Seetharaman, 2023).

The Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-eighth Amendment) Act - Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam - Sankalp to Siddhi

The Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-eighth Amendment) Act is not a political step for Modi government, but an article of faith. In June 2003, BJP had passed a resolution for women’s reservation in Parliament and state legislatures at its National executive committee meeting at Raipur. BJP included it in its manifesto. Now it has become instrument of change for India. Calling special session of parliament and onboarding all political parties for consensus-based decision was a Herculean task, which government under leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has done meticulously.

The old parliament house had witnessed Constitution-making exercise and transfer of power from British. The new Parliamentary building, this new temple of democracy, has marked further progressive sharing of that power under umbrella of our Constitution. The first legislative agenda of new parliamentary building has set the tone for women – led development as way forward for India. The Modi government has shown zeal to turn this Sankalp to Siddhi. This has been a 27 year long journey to give women their share in representative democracy. In very simplistic manner, existing minimal share of Nari Shakti, which constitutes half the population, was a lacuna. Social dynamics had made women a mere decision-adherer rather than a decision-maker to some extent. There are number of exceptions to the above to counter this view. Today women have made India proud in every sphere. Government under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has prioritised this moral choice and showcased a strong will to correct this historical lacuna. The gender justice proposed by Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam in the legislative domain will provide impetus to balanced policy formulation. Our forefathers were visionary and ensured women’s voting rights immediately after independence. After completing 75 years of Independence, the nation has begun the journey of marking the era of Amrit Kaal, with goal of becoming ‘Vikasit Bharat’ by 2047. Realisation of this goal will require contribution of all sections of society in spirit of ‘Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas, Sabka Prayas’. The role of women, constituting a half of population is extremely important for realisation of this goal. India has taken forward leap from that right to vote to extend women’s share of right to represent in parliament and legislative assemblies. While Government of India has taken number of steps to bring ‘Nari Shakti’ to forefront through women’s empowerment and women-led development resulting in substantial improvement in financial independence of women and availability of equal access to education and health. Government has also emphasised “Ease of Living’, especially of women, through various initiatives including Ujjwala Yojana, access to toilets through Swachh Bharat Mission, financial inclusion through Mudra Yojana etc. However, true empowerment of women will require greater participation of women in decision-making process as they bring different perspectives and enrich quality of legislative debates and decision- making. The Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam proposed to reserve one-third (33%) of the total number of seats in state legislative assemblies and Parliament for women. The Lok Sabha passed the bill on 20th September 2023 with 454 votes in favour and two against.The Rajya Sabha passed the bill unanimously on 21st September 2023 with 214 votes in favour and none against. President Droupadi Murmu signed the bill on 29th September 2023 and gazette notification was also published on same day, which made it clear that reservation will come into force after the first delimitation. For implementation of provisions of Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, prerequisite constitutional obligation under Article 82 mandates prior census and delimitation exercise to identify women – led constituencies.

During historic November 25, 1949 speech, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar categorically asked how long one would continue to live a life of contradictions? He cautioned about social and economic inequalities. Over last nine years, pro-poor and people-centric moves have resolved those contradictions. More than 13.5 crore people have come out of poverty. The historic Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam is another step to realise the spirit of one person, one vote and one value. It is pivotal instrument for achieving political empowerment. In a democratic setup, a consensual decision carries special significance for any remarkable change. It reflects collective spirit of the transformational journey. India is on verge of becoming third largest economy in the world and India will surpass global average (26.7 per cent) of percentage of women in national parliament. Increasing their share from 15 per cent to 33 per cent will take it far ahead of many developed nations. This will re-orient India’s outlook to become a women-led 21st century leader. Winds of change have been set in motion by the Bill.

Epilogue

Why is women’s participation in policy decision-making important has to be seen in context of development policies, constitutional and legal provisions for gender equality. Empowering women means empowering India. When women thrive, societies prosper. India is setting example on global stage, showcasing that with commitment, vision and action, gender barriers can be overcome, making way for more inclusive, prosperous and balanced future through women-led development. The essence of Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam boldly taken by the government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi signifies hope, progress and promise of a brighter future for all. It is a clarion call for entire nation to rally together and ensure that winds of change, set in motion continue for generations to come.

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