1. Introduction

India and United States are co-partners in a fulsome relationship which means multiple scales for the larger international system and India’s rise in the similar ecosystem. The global polity was bi-polar in nature before the End of history phase but that soon diluted away into the grandiloquent Unipolarity with the withering away of the Soviet Union and the unification of Germany. The quintessential lore of the India-US Bilateral partnership has been explained away as, “Cooperative Engagement” since the times of President Bush Junior. In more ways than one, in the contemporary context of Global geo-economics, the age of Globalization, convergence and interdependence entails the rising significance of the geo-economics in the bilateral partnership where-in, it has been objectified by the twin Democracies to raise the quantum of bilateral trade to 500 billion dollars which is much higher figure above what gets transacted in the current context. There have been bottlenecks in the relationship of the order of nuclear proliferation and the debate surrounding Indian partnership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group, the hyphenation of India and Pakistan and the Kashmir tangle, to name a few divergences in the larger rubric of the relationship.

The objective of the present paper is to delve inside with detail in the larger context of the Defense cooperation between India and United States of America. The mantle of the Defense cooperation is evidently premised upon an economic buttressing. Thus, the DTTI initiative presently serves as the substratum which links up the Defense component of the relationship with the commercial and economic aspects, which is a new mode of diplomatic engagement between the two nations.

2. The Historical Antecedents in the Past Exchanges

India and United States have lived through a checkered relationship since the advent of Indian independence. India and US are two ardently dreaming nations which can subsist in the veneer of being ‘True Blue Dreamers’. United States of America was the progenitor element of the novae narrative between India and United States.

As part of the very American freedom run in the Idealistic nom de plume of the day, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt supported and ably showcased the foundational myth and the lore of the Indian union with a direct and telling missive to the British usurpers that Colonialism has had its day and India should be set free. It was the Wilsonian Freedom run which was the blazing spectacularity of the age in the hallowed and troubled times of the World War era reflected in the American succor to the freedom movement in India.

Apart from the proud palavers of being Democratic practitioners and being on the higher moral pedestals of the larger international system, which seem to be destructible values in today’s troubled times, the tangibles too point towards a larger and wholesome partnership. With criticality being fashionably festooned upon intellectualism, it runs ram shod over the Democratic idealism and one uppance between India and United States. The author ruminates over the thought that United States with its enviable record of moral, economic and military strength has been stringent in its single minded devotion to its clearly defined national interest unlike others with universally humanist fronts. The direct heat and grime of reality ordained entrepreneurship is symptomatic of a pedestal led existence and bitingly trenchant reality reflected in global praxis. We are not talking about ‘Unipolarity’, which, by the way, is an international relations exercise in safe morality and delimited transnational criterion. The ‘singularity’ has been achieved as an instance of serendipity devoid of an apparently nuanced schema.

The Indian Dream too militates against the ordinary. The Indian schemata derives its exclusivity within its inclusivity of all diversities with a recurrent harking back to a serendipitous but hallowed and pioneering past. The twin dreams are coterminous with each other where the consonance of the Demos, culture, freedom of thought and individual liberty and the significance of the tracking ideals of rule of law, constitutionalism and harmony, piece together a narrative for the future.

3. Zeroing in…..

Defense has been a significant pointer towards the closeness and close knit nature of exchanges between the twin nations. The Hindu has reported that “The recent North Korean nuclear adventurism has prompted US allies such as South Korea and Japan to seek higher US presence in the region. The US had repeatedly said in recent weeks that it would not hesitate to intervene to ensure the security of its Asian partners and now China has accused the US of militarising the region.”i (Hung Chang: New York Times 2017) The persistent Chinese intransigence along with the North Korean temerity in the region necessitates a new response from the United States though India has ruled out joint patrolling with the regional US naval command keeping in view the independent inclination of the nation’s security and foreign policy.

If the joint patrol only indulges in significant signaling and canny communication and does not infringe upon the territorial space of any nation, then any quaint comparisons with the Chinese trail in the South China Sea can be ruled out amicably. The three foundational elements of the order of CISMOA (Communication and Information Security Memorandum of Agreement), Logistics support agreement (LSA), and the Basic Exchange and the Cooperation Agreement (BECA)ii (Verghese George: The Hindu 2017) are the ones which have been signed agreements when the US Defense Secretary Ashton Carter visited New Delhi in April 2016.

On June 3, 2015, US Secretary of Defense signed the significant Framework for the Indo-US Defense Relationship with the nation’s Defense Minister. The agreement reflects the need for Defense agreements between both the nations and the strengthening of Defense capabilities. The transformation in the Defense Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI) were also deliberated upon in the Carter visit in 2015. Joint production of next generation protective ensembles and mobile electric hybrid power sources, cooperation in development of jet engines, aircraft carrier designs and construction, are also constituent concerns of the Framework agreement. Most significant of all is the notion of ‘Make in India’, which encapsulates the din and intends to make it get executed through the American Defense conglomerates setting factory and shop in India.

Ashton Carter testified before the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee in the context of the “existing strategic partnership” between India and United States that “US President and the Policy makers were looking through a wider lens, where-in, they were attempting relentlessly to accommodate India in the non-proliferation scenario removed from a singularly defined nuclear taint on India.”iii (Council For Foreign Relations: 2016)

The Defense relationship between the twin nations received a timely initiation with the visit of the US Defense Secretary William Perry, in 1995, when India and United States signed the first Memorandum of Understanding which was followed up by the symbolic growth in the military-to-military relationship with the visit of chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of staff, Admiral Mike Mullen to New Delhi in 2010. The India US defense partnership has been predominantly perched upon the larger framework of the India US ‘Bilateral’. Since the signing of the new framework for Defense cooperation in 2005, as India continues to hold more military exercises with Washington than any other nation state, the mutual defense sales worth USD eight billion between the two have spawned the “corrective organic zeal” by providing a framework of adherence for the twin dreamer nations as they face a phoenix-like challenges in the 21at century grind of the international system.

The India-US Nuclear relationship remained much in the shadows of other publicized aspects of the partnership. The 123 agreement, too, was an achievement as President George Bush signed the pact despite steadfast opposition from the domestic sections at home in United States. The dynamics of the 123 Civil Nuclear pacts has always been marred by the aspirations of New Delhi and the protectionist group of lawmakers in the US Congress. The origins of the India US relationship can be traced to the Indian request by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in the aftermath of the India-China war in 1962 to US to supply fighter planes such as Star fighters to the Indian Air Force with adequate training back up along with communication equipment such as radars in order as a protection against Chinese air raids over Indian cities. Thus, this emergency call can be cited as one of the earliest instances of Defense touches between the twin nation states. The larger Food aid programmes and the Green revolution and their American origins need not be discussed over here.

Strategic cooperation is the actual cornerstone of the larger relationship. General Kicklighter proposals can be noted as the precursor element of the inception of the Defense ties between the twin nations. General V P Malik informs us in the Observer Research Foundation Commentary that, “The New Framework for US-India Defence Relationship has established an institutionalised framework. With a Defence Policy Group and its four sub-groups — the Procurement and Production Group, the Joint Technical Group, the Military Cooperation Group and the Senior Technology Group — it covers the entire spectrum of defence cooperation.”iv( Mallik VP: ORF 2018) The author further informs that, “The agreement states that in pursuit of the shared vision of an expanded and deeper US-India strategic relationship, defence establishments of the two countries will do the following:

They will conduct joint and combined exercises and exchanges and collaborate in multinational operations when it is in their common interest. They will strengthen the capabilities of their militaries to promote security and defeat terrorism, respond quickly to disaster situations, and assist in building worldwide capacity to conduct successful peacekeeping operations. Steps will be taken to expand interaction with other nations in ways that promote regional and global peace and stability. India and the US will expand two-way defence trade. They will work to conclude defence transactions not solely as ends in themselves but also as a means to strengthen the two countries’ security, reinforce their strategic partnership, achieve greater interaction between their armed forces, and build greater understanding between defence establishments.”v (Mallik VP: ORF 2018)Thus, the first Defense framework was also signed in 2005 which paved the way for a better understanding between the twin Democracies of the larger international system. The twin nations might not refer to only war and a battle fighting capability as this rationale does not serve as a buttressing of the comprehensive Defense relationship between both the partner nations. It is the modicum of peacetime operations also, UN peace keeping operations and joint capacity building is a fast challenging strategic reality that the nom de plume of the defense relationship, assumes its larger meaning and significance.

Harinder Sekhon provides a useful insight into the larger framework of the Defense cooperation between India and United States in the larger context of mutually agreed upon “Cooperative Engagement”. Harinder Sekhon comments that, “Beginning with the 1991 visit to India of Lieutenant General Claude M Kicklighter, the then Commander-in-Chief of the US Army Pacific Command. The so-called Kicklighter proposals were described as the key element in transforming India-US defence relations. The proposals comprised service-to-service exchanges and expansion of the defence cooperation framework: steering groups were established among the three services within both countries to intensify military-to-military cooperation. The Kicklighter proposals made it possible to hold the first ever joint military exercises between India and the United States in February 1992. This was in keeping with the US policy of “cooperative engagement” with the militaries of friendly countries.”vi (Sekhon Harinder: VIF 2018) The Kicklighter proposals laid the foundation of proper institutionalization of the India US Defense partnership in the shadows of the fact that Soviet Union was the biggest Arms supplier to India since a long time period. The author further writes that, “Another major achievement in Indo-US defence ties was the US Defence Secretary William Perry’s visit to India from 12 to 14 January 1995. Perry and the then Indian Minister of State for Defence, Mallikarjun, signed the first Agreed Minute on Defence Cooperation, aimed at strengthening as well as expanding defense cooperation to meet the requirements of the new post-Cold War world.”vii (Ibid) Thus, the larger origins of the defense cooperation were not meant to be only instituted with a war mongering and an interventionist perspective. With the larger status of Pakistan, as, a failed State in South Asia and with its attendant destabilsing impact in the subcontinent, India can be fathomed as a frontline ally in the region though not a client state which Pakistan is, vis-a-vis United States of America. India too can serve as an ideal counter weight and a balancer state against PRC as both India and United States are face a Chinese Dream with its attendant “rise”. These issues bring out the significance of the developments in the decade of the nineties, where in, both the nations can strive for regional stabilization with New Delhi too becoming part of the American security Umbrella with India not being a client state of the super power. Nineties was also the decade when the defense aspirations of United States were partially welded between the defense establishments of both the democracies. The issue revolves around a realization that India does not run the risks of being denied of its sovereign status in the light of the conditions laities of Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Syria. India is much advanced in its geo-political and geo-economic station that it defeats the purpose of New Delhi being swamped by an American interest as is contended by certain domestic communities in India. Rather, it’s a demand of India’s strategic culture’s transformation that the idiom of “ strategic autonomy” must be amended to include a realistic perspective which is symptomatised by an advanced and functional India-US relationship which will bring out more teeth for the national interests of New Delhi.

The Civil component is the only a significant part of the 123 Agreement. The pact exists as India needs the American fuel and the nuclear technology which is ably facilitated by the India US civil Nuclear energy agreement as economies rise and Indian incomes augment, the low power usage of India would no longer be a reality and instead India would require a reliable and unhindered supply of power for domestic consumption. The NTi reports that, “The Agreement also opens the door for cooperation in civil nuclear energy with other countries. We are already discussing with France and Russia similar bilateral cooperation agreements on civil nuclear energy. Once the NSG adopts an exemption to its Guidelines we hope to operationalise all these agreements. The Agreement places India in a special category as a “State possessing advanced nuclear technology”, like the United States, with both parties “having the same benefits and advantages”.viii (NTI: 2018) Thus, the rising demand for energy also ekes out a need for fomenting ties in the sphere of nuclear cooperation. The Defense perspective of the 123 agreement also is part of the legalia as the text of the agreement categorically contends that the Defense Nuclear Reactors will be exempt from the American inspections and the verification regime of the IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency). Thus, the perspective of cobbling together of an Indo- US nuclear alliance was very well exemplified by the open and all out American support to PM Modi and his team in his strivings to become the member of the Nuclear Supplier Group (NSG). The defense angle in the Indo US Civil nuclear cooperation deal is once again not inimical to the Indian context of PNE’s.

A Ministry of External Affairs release informs us, that, the separation plan for the Civil and Defense Nuclear reactors is a well identified and provides a non-controversial buttressing to the larger rubric of Defense cooperation. The MEA release contends that, “It was envisaged that the United States would adjust its laws and policies and work with friends and allies to adjust international regimes to enable full civil nuclear energy cooperation and trade with India. Reciprocally, India committed itself to identifying and separating civilian and military nuclear facilities in a phased manner, placing voluntarily its civilian nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards, signing an Additional Protocol and continuing India’s voluntary and unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing.”ix (MEA Release: 2018) Thus, India has promised that the Shakti testing would be discontinued but the inviolability of the nuclear cooperation in the sphere of defense reactors is an achievement and brings a great deal of strategic leeway for the Indian establishment.

Another theme which surrounds the Indian Defense establishment is that why India did not opt for buying the F -16 fighter jets and opted for the French Rafales and Grippens. Though a Media and a secondary source, New 18 analysis informs us that, F-16 was the best option and an intelligent and strategy oriented choice over other planes as the Lockheed Martin were willing to sell the best F-16 variant to New Delhi, which would have had an decisive edge over Pakistan’s F -16.s. News 18 reported that, “Perhaps the most battle-proven aircraft in the world, the F16 is currently in use by the air forces of 27 nations around the world. First put to use by the US Air Force in 1976, the F16’s major clients are the United States, its NATO allies and Pakistan. It has a length of 14.8 meters, a wingspan of 9.8 meters, a maximum take-off weight of 16,875 kg, a fuel capacity of 3,175 kg, a payload limit of 7,700 kg and can attain a maximum speed of 2470 km per hour.”x (News 18: 2018) The Media portal further informs that, “The fact that the F16 has proven itself in battle over the years certainly means F16 would be the “safer” bet over the Gripen. Besides, Lockheed Martin has offered to sell the F 16 Block 70, the latest variant, to India. This means that in the event of a military confrontation, India would have a technical advantage over its regional rival Pakistan, which continues to use the Block 52.”xi (Ibid) It might be an appropriate choice for India as NDTV has reported in end of 2017 that Pakistan might stop getting the supply of F-16s from Washington.

Apart from the tri military exercise with Japan and United States, India and United States held a joint maritime defense exercise Vajra Prahar. Also a new framework for defense cooperation was signed with the visit of the Defense Secretary of US, Ashton Carter. Defense cooperation with United States reached a new height with the visiting Defense Secretary, pinpointing towards a new defense role for India in the surrounding Maritime space. The MOD Annual Report, 2016-2017 informs us that, “Defense cooperation with the United States was elevated to a higher trajectory based on the signing of the new Framework agreement for the India-US defence relationship on June 3, 2015. The US Secretary of Defense, Dr. Ashton Carter visited India from April 11-13, 2016. Raksha Mantri visited USA from August 29- 30, 2016. Secretary Carter visited India again in December 2016. Both countries signed the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement [LEMOA] in August 2016. The United States initiative to engage India as a major defense partner is expected to foster greater cooperation in defence industry. Both countries held their first ever Maritime Security Dialogue, with the participation of their Ministries of Defense and External Affairs, in Delhi in May 2016.”xii ( MEA: 2018)

Defense procurement and Make in India are the twin pegs over the success or the utility of the Government is premised upon. Dalip Bhardwaj writes in the Observer Research Foundation Comment that, “India’s lumbering bureaucracy and complex procurement procedures are primarily to blame. The Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP) has been enunciated in great detail to cover every contingency and since the turn of the century they have revised at least three times.”xiii (Bhardwaj Dillip: 2018)) The author further writes that India does have a proud and an officious showing in the procurement and the trade part of Defense equipment. The author writes that, “During the recently concluded Defexpo 2018 near Chennai, Prime Minister Narendra Modi reemphasized the urgent need for indigenisation in the manufacture of weapon systems and the government’s commitment to transform India into a defence industry hub. However, he acknowledged the complexity of the task and the slow progress in “Make in India” projects. Defense Minister Nirmala Sitaraman said that India will not only manufacture for purpose of import substitution but will also boost defense production to export Indian made defense products to other countries.” (Ibid)xiv

The Indian Defense procurement procedures need to be revised and a second delving inside is the call of the day. The Make in India Project thus, has a ramification and key reflection in the Defense sector, too, where India wants nations such as United States not only to sale their systems to New Delhi but create an manufacturing base for the selfsame in the Indian homeland and amidst the domestic industrial base. It is here that the compensation clauses of the Civil nuclear Energy Liability Legislation need to be re looked and the confrontationist compensation clauses can be tempered down to let the Americans be free from too much of an extraneous ask to own the probable damages that may accrue from their basing of manufacturing in India. Both the nations need to move out of the mould of the Bhopal Tragedy. For the Make in India Project in India, the Central Government has revised the procedure to attract the investors such as Washington.

The national daily, Financial Express reports that, “In an effort to further boost ‘Make in India’ in the sector, the Defence Act. The amended ‘Make in India’ procedure reduces the total time from in-principle approval to placing of order by 50 % and the estimated time to finish the whole process has come down to 69 from 103 weeks. Under the new provisions, projects involving developmental cost of less than 3 crore will be reserved for MSMEs.”xv (Financial Express: 2018) The newspaper report further states that, “According to a statement released by the defence ministry, “this process will greatly help import substitution and promote innovative solutions. This simplified ‘Make-II’ procedure will amend the existing ‘Make Procedure’ in Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP)-2016”.quisition Council (DAC) has cleared a simplified ‘Make-II’ (Make in India) procedure which will enable greater participation of industry in acquisition of defence equipment.”xvi (Ibid) In the context of the Defense trade with American and companies hailing from other states, the defense acquisition procedures have been simplified. Also, the Request For Proposal (RFP) phase also is reached earlier after the prototype designs have been submitted by the various global stakeholders. Thus, a smartening and professionalization of the acquisition process has been attempted by the MOD and the Govt. of India.

India can contend that it has the third largest Military along with being the sixth largest Defense spender with 60% of its defense equipment emanating from global exports. India needed to find an indigenous solution to the issue of Defense self sufficiency and professionalization of staid bureaucratic procedures. There have been achievements in the sphere of Make in India in the Defense sector which include some details. The details are of the order of, “India’s focus on indigenous manufacturing in the defence space is paying off as the Ministry of Defence over the last two years unveiled several products manufactured in India like the HAL Tejas Light Combat Aircraft, the composites Sonar dome, a Portable Telemedicine System (PDF) for Armed Forces, Penetration-cum-Blast (PCB) and Thermobaric (TB) ammunition specifically designed for Arjun tanks, a heavyweight torpedo called Varunastra manufactured with 95% locally sourced parts and medium range surface to air missiles (MSRAM).”xvii (India Strategic: 2018) Thus, the Americans too have been invited by PM Narendra Modi, in, order to indigenize the American Defense manufacturers which would satisfy the pragmatic operations of the American companies along with gelling with the “ Make in India” tenet of the Governmental strivings. Also, Industrial licensing has been simplified and has been made online. The validity of the Industrial licensing has been extended from seven years to fifteen years with simplified procedures for extensions. Finally, a Make in India Portal has been created to serve the cause of Defense manufacturing and trade.

Amit Cowshish writes that, “Going by all available accounts, HAL was the nominated production agency for making 108 aircraft in India, with the first 18 being flown in from France in a fly-away condition. The present contract does not envisage manufacturing of the aircraft in India and, therefore, there is no question of the HAL or any other Indian company being roped in as a production agency in the present contract.”xviii ( Cowshish: 2018)

Also, one of the contestations have been that F-16 from US would have been a better and a cheaper option. One can surmise the reasons why New Delhi did not go inside the rubric of the deal with the Americans. Lockheed Martin has contended that it stands by its decision to manufacture F -16 fighter jets in India.

Rahul Singh writes in the Hindustan Times that, “India had floated a global tender for 126 planes more than a decade ago but it stood cancelled after Prime Minister Narendra Modi declared in April 2015 that India would buy 36 Rafale jets from France under a government-to-government deal.”xix ( Singh Rahul: 2018)

Also, in tandem with the decision of PM Modi, United States authorities have expressed their displeasure with the Indian decision to select French fighter planes over the tried and tested F-16s. It was also aired that these steps in Defense acquisition will sour the Indo-US Defense partnership having a deleterious impact upon the larger ambit of the entire India-US relationship.

Stephen Cohen in The Wall Street Journal blogs has contended that, “India’s defense expert Stephen Cohen, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, laid out some more provocative theories. India is “uneasy” about using U.S. planes on missions that could involve combat in Pakistan, he said, and “there may also be U.S. laws limiting the planes from carrying nuclear weapons.”

But the real reason U.S. hopes were spiked, Mr. Cohen said, was that India doesn’t think it can rely politically on Washington to supply planes over the long-term. “India would have given the order to a U.S. firm if it had been assured that the United States would back India politically thereafter.”xx (Sharma Amol: Wall Street Journal 2018)

Thus, the political, diplomatic and the defense trade are inter-related and are Venn diagrams in their conceptualization and implementation. As, if India were assured for a complete diplomatic- strategic back up like the one provided to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, despite it being a progenitor of all regional ills, then India would have gone assuredly in the American help as a surefooted and satiated defense partner with letting the American establishment not remain as a vanguard but as a co equal partner keeping in view the domestic anti-US voice in New Delhi.

Given such a variant narrative of Defense trade between India and United States, the key word in the ever expanding lexicon of the India-US Defense relationship is, “Interoperability.” While it signifies is the mutual desire of both the nations to work more closely in the sphere of military to military cooperation. It also presents a futuristic scenario that the two nations can share strategic doctrines in order to handle the challenges of a New Century. As reported in a United States Public Affairs Department release, the launch of the Global war on terror galvanized the military and the intelligence relationship.

Admiral Dennis Blare declared that, “We believe that a robust US India defense relationship, of a kind that is unprecedented in our bilateral history, can play a key role in contributing to peace, stability, security and freedom in Asia. We will develop our relationship with New Delhi on the premise of the fact that India is an emerging global power.”xxi (Embassy US: 2002)

The larger motives behind concretizing the India US Defense cooperation are that the menace of terrorism has to be met, peacekeeping has to be administered and humanitarian action would serve as the substratum upon which the entire rubric of the partnership is premised upon. Other agreed upon prerogatives of the partnership are: joint stewardship of the seas so that Energy and commercial navigation goes on unimpeded and usher in non-proliferation and stability in Europe.

A couple of instances too reflect the larger idea of wholesome military-to-military transactions between both the countries. In September, 2002, US Army Alaska’s 1st battalion 51st Parachute Infantry Regiment from India’s 50th Independent Parachute Brigade flew to Alaska in an IAF IL-76, to take part in a first ever firing exercise, “Geronimo-Thrust”. In the same strain in April and September 2002, INS Sukanya and INS Sharda took over the USS Cowpens to conduct Patrols and escort Balance Iroquois in Agra, aimed at exchanging mutual expertise in Special Operations and Airborne assault in day and night time conditions.xxii In the related matrix, the International Military Education and Training programme in which the US sends Indian military personnel to Military Training schools in the United States. The budget for this programme climbed to Rs. 4.6 crore in 2002, allowing 37 Indian officers to US Training.xxiii(Embassy US: 2002)

As reported by Ron Samers, President of US-India Business Council, American defense sales to India have risen to 14 billion dollars from a trifling 2,000 million dollars in 2001, creating job opportunities for thousands of gighly skilled people in both the nations.xxiv (USBIC: 2014) In 2014, the Announcement of the increase in India’s Defense budget by 12%, amounting to 37.5 billion, and the raising of the FDI limit in the Defense sector from 26% to 49% my PM Modi raised hopes in the Obama administration that, “There would be a transformative Impact on India US Defense cooperation.”xxv(Ibid) Thus, the scenario of trade and specifically in the context of Defense trade, the lights are lightening up and the quantum of transactional quid pro quos have been augmented. Defense hardware can also be manufactured under DTTI, but countries will not only co produce but also co-develop “ the next generation Javelin anti-tank guided Missiles, described by the White House as an unprecedented offer.xxvi A related Congressional Research Service Report in 2012 contends that, “New Delhi is undertaking a major military modernization program with plans to spend some 100$ billion over the next 7-10 years to update its Soviet era Arsenal. US Weapons makers are eager to gain a slice of this lucrative pie and American companies also see in India, a potentially huge new market for sophisticated equipment such as surveillance and detection systems.”xxvii (Congressional Research Service: 2014)

Robert D. Blackwill in a speech in New Delhi on 5th May, 2009, said that, “We need intensified interactions between the two militaries on military Doctrine, force planning, weapons acquisition, interoperability, Joint Exercises, Intelligence Exchange and threat assessments. In the next five years, nothing would have such a long term positive impact on the bilateral relationship as India’s purchase of its next generation Multi Role Combat Aircraft from the United States.”xxviii (Blackwill Roberts: 2009) Some details can be delved inside at this juncture in the presented narrative.

Since 2002, India has signed more than twenty Foreign Military sales ( FMS) cases for Defense articles and services such as C-17 and C-130 J Aircraft, TPQ-37 Radars, self protection in suits for VVIP Aircrafts, specialized technical equipment, Harpoon Missiles, sensor fused weapons and carrier flight and test pilot schematic Training. The last five years have has given us several opportunities to reach a new level of interaction between our militaries through Defence trade. The C-130 J’s delivered in February 2011 are the first US military Aircraft to have been delivered to India in half a century and has been already successfully employed to provide critical humanitarian assistance following an earthquake in Sikkim in September 2011.xxix (US Department of Defense: 2014)

Undeniably, India has been facing a severe shortage of fighter aircraft ascribed to several factors including slackness on the part of India’s Defense establishment and the procedural bureaucratic hurdles which slow down acquisition from United States in IPA-II.xxx (Jain B M: 2016) India is planning to phase out Russian variants of MIG-21 and MIG-27 in 2018. The Indian Air Force lost nearly 200 fighter Aircraft in accidents, which further accentuated the problem of shrinking squadron strength. Rafale jets might take more than five years to be inducted into India’s air fleet. Given these constraints on India, the United States is committed to support India’s military modernization and expressed interest in collaborative joint Research and Development,” and co-production of Defense items.xxxi

4. The Contemporary Dynamics of the Partnership

The India-US Defense partnership acquired new contours with the inclusion of the amalgamation of the Defense component with the commercial segment in the larger rubric of the new frameworks for Defense cooperation signed in 2015. The Logistics and intelligence sharing agreement signed between both the countries, forms another significant pointer towards the development of a closer and integrated relationship between the twin nations.

It is reported in the slew of agreements that despite Indian suspicion about American entry into the intelligence and security set up in India; these arrangements go a long way in advancing mutual strategic interests in the future. It is reported that, “CISMOA and BECA would help India to make better use of equipments it has already procured from the US e.g. Boeing c-17. LSA would allow each other to access their military bases without any conflict for e.g. in 1991 Gulf war India denied the US from refueling its aircraft from Indian territory.”xxxii These are actually foundational agreements but in no way do they impose any conditionality on any of the nations to serve as a premise for the larger multi dimensional cooperation between both the states. In the future, what the Government needs to look out for is the record of those nations such as Japan and South Korea with whom United States has such relations and similar agreements.

The national daily Hindu reports about the details of the LIMOA. The author informs us that, “The three agreements are referred to as the Foundational agreements which the US signs with nations with which it has close military ties. They are built to do basic ground work and promote interoperability between militaries by creating common standards and systems. They also ensure sale and transfer of higher end technologies.”xxxiii

Dipanakar Peri writes,” LEMOA gives access to both the nations to designated military facilities on either side for the purpose of refueling and replenishment. India and US already hold a large number of new exercises during which payments are done each time, which is a long and tedious process. Under the new agreement, a mechanism will be instituted for Book keeping, payments and officials, who will act as nodal points of contact will be designated on both sides.”xxxiv (Peri Dipankar: The Hindu, 2016) LEMOA is a customized version of LSA which has been signed with India.

Ambassador Stobdan writes that, “Politically, it was feared that these agreements will indirectly make India a military ally of America. The trouble is that the LSA, CISMOA and other accords are carefully crafted to mainly achieve the American objective of building military relations with other countries based on the systemic imperatives of harmonising defense strategies and foreign policies. Technically, the signing of the LSA and CISMOA demanded access to each other’s bases and integrating each other’s communications networks.”xxxv (Stobdan: India Defense Review 2018)

There happens to be an unwanted political alacrity which is misplaced about India being branded as military ally of United States and these amounts to bringing the dead Donkeys out of the closet and flogging a dead donkey since the Neolithic times of the cold war.

The CAATSA is another tedium which seems to bedevil the relationship between the twin countries. Ambassador Stobdan writes that, “the new US law against Russia — Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) – started to impact India in terms of preventing it from doing business with Russian defence firms. The Sanction Act notified 39 Russian state-controlled firms including Rosoboronexport with which India does recurring business. According to the Act, any third party conducting transactions with these companies would be liable to be sanctioned.xxxvi (Ibid) “There happens to be a misguided political alacrity amongst the sections of the Defense establishment in India that signing these foundational Agreements, India would be openly and universally branded as a key American military ally. These thought processes amount to flogging a dead donkeys and attempting to stick to the ghost of Cold war and the quintessential distrust and block oriented misgivings of the cold war era.

The MEA Press release followed the traditional “strategic autonomy” argument with expressing hesitancy over the foundational agreements and the visit of Nikki Haley to New Delhi. The American spokesperson spoke enchantingly and much more positively about the probability of India and US forging strategic and defense bonds to jointly meet Global challenges in the future. The MEA release merely said officiously that, “MEA’s press release on June 21 was careful and reticent, suggesting that “the two sides are expected to ‘share perspectives’ on strengthening their strategic and security ties and ‘exchange views’ on a range of bilateral, regional and global issues of mutual interest”xxxvii ( Ibid 1) Thus, it appears that United States is of the opinion that India ought to take up the leadership status in the global polity but it is New Delhi which has been hemmed in by its balancing act with Soviet Union and other nationalities. Finally, the idea that maritime threats and intelligence platforms need shared-ness, can serve as an ideal premise of a sturdier and profitable partnership for both the countries.

In October 2020, the 3rd bilateral two plus two Ministerial Dialoguexxxviii (The Statesman: 2018) was held amid India and USA in New Delhi and both partners signed the landmark defence pact BECA. The signing of BECA is momentous as it allows India to use universal geospatial maps of the United States for accuracy of stand-off weapons like cruise and ballistic missiles.xxxix (News Nair: 2018)

In the press statement after the meeting, Indian Defence Minister Shri Rajnath Singh stated that signing the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement, BECA after signing of LEMOA in 2016 and COMCASA in 2018 is a significant achievement. He further reiterated that both sides also agreed that upholding the rules based international order, respecting the rule of law and freedom of navigation in the international seas and upholding the territorial integrity and sovereignty of all states are essential. He also said they shared assessment of the security situation across the Indo Pacific and reaffirmed commitment to peace, stability and prosperity of all countries in this region. He said the two sides will continue to work together to strengthen engagement in defence security and other areas.

US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo stated that US will stand with India as country confronts threats to their sovereignty and liberty. Secretary Pompeo stated he along with Secretary Esper visited National War Memorial to honour brave men and women of Indian armed forces, including 20 killed by PLA in Galwan Valley. He said US and India are taking steps to strengthen cooperation against all manner of threats and not just those posed by Chinese Communist Party. He added that India and US expanded cooperation on cyber issues, and navies have held joint exercises in Indian Ocean. He added that US values India as a multi-lateral partner, whether it is through the quad, making Afghan peace negotiation successful or working together during India's upcoming term on UN security council. He also reiterated that US continues to support India's claim for permanent membership of United Nations Security Council.

US Secretary of Defence Mark Esper stated that based on shared values and common interests, India stand shoulder-to-shoulder in support of a liberated and open Indo-Pacific for all, particularly in light of increasing aggression and destabilizing activities by China. He stated as the world confronts a global pandemic Covid-19 and growing security challenges, the India-US partnership is more important than ever to ensure security, stability and prosperity of the region and the world. The US Secretaries of State and Defense also called on Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi.

As recently in January 2021, President Joseph R. Biden took charge as 46th President of USA and during a telephonic conversation held amid President Biden & India Prime Minister Modi, US President expressed committing that the United States and India will work closely together to win the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, renew their partnership on climate change, rebuild the global economy in a way that benefits the people of both countries, and stand together against the scourge of global terrorism. The leaders agreed to continuing close cooperation to promote a free, stable and open Indo-Pacific, including support for freedom of navigation, territorial integrity, and a stronger regional architecture through the Quad.xl (White House: 2021)

5. Conclusion

The crux of the issue between India and United States of America happens to be that of distrust and non cooperation which was attenuated in the 90’s with the American non proliferation bogey and the issue of human rights violations. The times and conditions in the international system has changed since the end of the Cold War which necessitates a novae and fresh approach towards, both the larger rubric of the bilateral relationship and the Defense partnership in particular. In addition, United States has replaced Russia as the biggest arms provider to India which in itself points towards a contemporary shift in the international ecosystem. Also, the democratic idiom and the association with ideals such as morality, promotion of democracy and freedom to live, might be arcane generalization, but play a significant role in the firming of the comity of nations through a close and mutually trustworthy defense relationship between both India and United States. The political years have to be left behind in the light of a transformed landscape. The latest and 16th edition of the annual exercises between the Indian and U.S. Armies kicked off on February 8, 2021 at the Mahajan Field Firing Ranges in Rajasthan, a western Indian state bordering Pakistan. The Yudh Abhyas exercises, which will continue until February 21, will – like past iterations – focus on counterterrorism and promote interoperability amid the two forces.

As per the statement released by defense spokesperson Lt. Col. Amitabh Sharma, “Exercise with U.S. Army is significant in terms of security challenges faced by both the nations in the backdrop of global terrorism. The joint military exercise will enhance the level of defence cooperation between both armies which will also foster the bilateral relations between both nations and reiterate India’s key role as a key partner in the Indo-Pacific region.”xli (The Diplomat: 2021)

At the concluding juncture, it can be opined that the common interests in the bilateral relationship such as the combat with the GWOT, nuclear terrorism, the rise of China in the IOR maritime space and the rise of India vis-a-vis China can serve as a buttressing to a close defense partnership. Also, the better equipment and quick responses on the side of the Washington are also palpable reasons to go by. It can be argued that United States intends to utilize the growing might and influence of India, as, part of its strategy of containment of China, but, it needs to be underscored that India will have to confront China in global geo politics and geo economics in the near future if not in the immediate present. The quantum of the Defense trade and the companies involved, too, has improved over the years, which, paints a brighter picture since the last few years which also augurs well for the future in the present day Biden times, the new American President Elect.

Endnotes and References:

i Hung Sang Choe ( 2017, August 10) .North Korean Threat to Guam Tests Credibility of Kim and Trump, New York Times.

ii Verghese George ( 2016, August 30). India-US Sign Military Logistics Pact. The Hindu.

iii Bajpria Jayshree and Esther Pan. Esther (2018, June 1). The US India Nuclear Deal. https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/us-india-nuclear-deal

iv Malik, V.P ( 2018, July 10).India-US Defense Relations: A Close Look at the Emerging Realties, https://www.orfonline.org/research/india-us-defence-relations-a-close-look-at-the-emerging-realities/

v Malik, V.P ( 2018, July 10).India-US Defense Relations: A Close Look at the Emerging Realties, https://www.orfonline.org/research/india-us-defence-relations-a-close-look-at-the-emerging-realities/

vv Malik, V.P ( 2018, July 10).India-US Defense Relations: A Close Look at the Emerging Realties, https://www.orfonline.org/research/india-us-defence-relations-a-close-look-at-the-emerging-realities/

vi Sekhon Harinder ( 2018, June 10).Obama’s Forthcoming Visit to India: What it Means For Defense Cooperation. https://www.vifindia.org/print/2384

vii Ibid

viii (2018, July 12).India’s Nuclear Energy Programme and the 123 Agreement with Unit4ed States. https://www.nti.org/media/pdfs/3_17.pdf?_=1317412774

ix (2012, July 2012). Fact sheet on India US Civil Nuclear Cooperation: Conclusion of the 123 Agreement. http://mea.gov.in/in-focus-article.htm?18812/Fact+Sheet+on+the+India+US+Civil+Nuclear+energy+CooperationConclusion+of+the+123+ Agreement

x (2018, June 10). F 16 Vs Grippen: Which Fighter Jet will Nirmala Choose Under Make in India. https://www.news18.com/news/india/f16-vs-gripen-which-fighter-jet-will-nirmala-choose-under-make-in-india-1522511.html

xi Ibid

xii Ministry of External Affairs Report, 2016-2017

xiii Bhardwaj, Dalip. (2018, June 10). Make in India in Defence sector: A Distant Dream.https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/make-in-india-defence-sector-distant-dream/

xiv Ibid

xv Financial Express Correspondent, ( 2018, January 18). Make in India in Defense Sector: Centre Simplifies procedure to Attract Greater Participation. Financial Express.

xvi Ibid

xvii (2018, 12 June).Defense Manufacturing Sector: Achievement Report. http://www.makeinindia.com/article/-/v/defence-manufacturing-sector-achievement-report

xviii (2018, July 10). Rafale Deal flying into the Eye of the Storm. http://www.indiastrategic.in/2017/12/07/rafale-deal-flying-into-the-eyes-of-a-storm-2/

xix Singh, Rahul (March 2, 2018). Lockheed Martin Says that Offers to Build F-16s in India Stands Firm. Hindustan Times.

xx Sharma, Amol, (2018, June 12). “Why India won’t buy American Fighter Jets. https://blogs.wsj.com/indiarealtime/2011/07/22/why-india-wouldnt-buy-americas-fighter-jets/

xxi Public Affairs Department, (2002). People, Progress and Partnership: The Transformation of US India Relations. Department of State, Embassy of United States, ( Page No. 35-39)

xxii Ibid

xxiii Ibid 1

xxiv (2014, February 4). USIBC Launches 14th Executive Mission to DEFEXPO 2014 continues to strengthen India US security partnership. USBIC Press Release.

xxv Ibid

xxvi Pandit, Rajat ( 2014, August 9). India US Agree on Arms Deal but Technology transfer remains Key. The Times of India.

xxvii Kronsdat and Pinto, (2018).India United States Security Relations. Congressional Research Service Report. (Page No. 18)

xxviii Robert D. Blackwill’s Speech, ( 2009, May 5). The Future of US India Relations. https.www.anantaspencenter.in

xxix Report to the US congress on India US Security Cooperation, US Department of DEFENSE, November 2011.

xxx Jain B M, (2016). India US Relations in the Age of Uncertainty: An Uneasy Courtship. Routledge, Page No. 120-130

xxxi Ibid

xxxii (2018, June 10). What are CISMOA, BECA? LSA Agreements? https://www.quora.com/What-are-the-CISMOA-BECA-LSA-agreements-Why-has-India-been-resisting-signing-these-agreements-with-the-USA

xxxiii Peri, Depankar, ( 2016, October 18). What is LEMOA?The Hindu.

xxxiv Ibid

xxxv Ambassador P. Stobdan, (2019). Whither the Indo US DEFENSE Partnership. Indian Defense Review, 11 July,

xxxvi Ibid

xxxvii Ibid 1

xxxviii (2019). A ‘two plus two dialogue’ is a term — adopted in foreign parleys — used for installation of a dialogue mechanism between two countries’ defence and external affairs ministries. https://www.thestatesman.com/what-is/2-plus-2-dialogue-explainer-india-us-initiative-1502668317.html

xxxix (2019).India, US hold 3rd bilateral two plus two Ministerial Dialogue in New Delhi; sign landmark defence pact BECA. http://www.newsonair.com/News?title=India%2C-US-hold-3rd-bilateral-two-plus-two-Ministerial-Dialogue-in-New-Delhi%3B-sign-landmark-defence-pact-BECA&id=403099

xl (2020). Readout of President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. Call with Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India. https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/02/08/readout-of-president-joseph-r-biden-jr-call-with-prime-minister-narendra-modi-of-india/

xli (2019).India-US Army Exercises Begins in Indian Border State of Rajasthan. https://thediplomat.com/2021/02/india-us-army-exercises-begins-in-indian-border-state-of-rajasthan/