The book has been co-authored by A.S. Dulat who was a former secretary of the RAW (1999-2000), Asad Durrani – the former Director General of ISI (1990-91) and Aditya Sinha who is a writer and a journalist by profession. A.S Dulat is well known in the Indian academic and policy making circles for his extensive experience in Kashmir. In his first book Kashmir: The Vajpayee Years (with Aditya Sinha) (HarperCollins, 2015) Dulat has propounded his path-breaking approach of engaging in constant dialogue with Kashmiris on the issues that concern them the most. Between the two of them, Dulat is the idealist and has a very humane approach toward politics. His heart beats for the Kashmiri people. On the other hand, there is Mr. Durrani - a seemingly heartless realist and a shrewd military veteran. But his arguments in this book are exceedingly pro-peace.
Dulat and Durrani recognize that it might be difficult for both Indians and Pakistanis to believe what they have to say and in all probability their integrity towards their country will be questioned by the people. Convinced, that the facts, motives and ideas put forth by them will not be accepted, they anyway venture into the enterprise of writing a book. They say “Even if we were to write a fiction, no one would believe us”.
Spy Chronicles covers a vast array of topics but the book is mainly about the possible ways to establish long lasting peace in the Indian subcontinent and specifically between India and Pakistan who have only been able to severe the relations. The authors do not dwell much in the negative aspects of the India-Pakistan relationship. On the contrary, they bring to the fore some of the most unknown or less-talked-about aspects of the Indo-Pak relations
The book is divided in seven sections and thirty three chapters which deal with a variety of important issues. It is a compendium of informal conversations that took place from time to time between Durrani and Dulat in different parts of the world. Aditya Sinha maintains the flow of the conversation by asking pertinent questions.
The book starts with some personal experiences which are good enough to get an idea about the chemistry between Durrani and Dulat. Then in the second section it talks about the nature of the profession of spooks and various intelligence agencies, efficiency of these agencies and their assessment and failures. Next four sections are about the regional equations which shed ample light on the Kashmir, India-Pakistan relations, Afghanistan and various other powers and their interests in the region. The seventh and the last section is dedicated to the future of India-Pakistan ties, ties that have seemingly waned beyond repair. Both Dulat and Durrani propose ways to construct new conditions which will improve the situation between the two countries and will lead to establishment of peace and then eventually towards the prosperity
The authors differ to some degree on certain issues. Their views are in line with the stated positions and policies of their respective countries. The American role in Afghanistan and Ajit Doval are two such issues where the authors hold almost diametrically opposite views. But the former DGISI and ex-secretary of RAW unequivocally agree on certain fundamentals. According to them the bureaucracy or the diplomats have been too rigid on both the sides. The India-Pakistan relations have suffered more because of this rigidity and what they call „cussedness‟ of the diplomats who don‟t want to go out of the way and take a calculated step to change the status quo. If the only job of the diplomat is to talk and deliberate and further the national interest while dealing with their counterparts, then cutting all ties and not having even a single channel of communication (apart from the one that connects the NSAs of both countries) is not a step in the right direction.
The authors highlight the importance of constant contact between the two countries. Especially, Mr. Dulat assertively puts forth the need to engage even in the worst of times. He and Durrani refute the folly of arguing that one would not deal and talk to the terrorists. Firstly, they say it is just a wrong statement because every country has not only maintained contact with the people they declared as terrorists but also bribed them and provided them with all sorts of facilities. In the Indian context there cannot be a better example than the Hurriyat conference. But in the end both Durrani and Dulat make a compelling case for an unhindered dialogue and having multiple open channels of diplomacy and communication.
The book is revealing in many ways. It appreciates the decisions and efforts taken by former Prime Minister Vajpayee, the excellent doctrine of I. K Gujral who vouched for the sovereign equality of the neighbors of India and finally the ideas of Musharraf which remained unimplemented. Aditya Sinha says, “Musharraf is now a fugitive” to which Dulat responds “His ideas don’t need to be fugitive.” The book certainly reveals the reason why Agra Summit failed.
The best thing about the book is that it breaks the mold and unlike many other books it elaborates on the ways in which the ice can be broken between India and Pakistan. Dulat stresses the importance of various important „gestures‟ that both countries are missing out on. On the other hand Durrani makes a more important point of having sustainable institutions that will make sure that the countries interact, engage and exchange information no matter what. So if Dulat talks about simple steps to improve the relations such as encouraging and facilitating people to people contact, cultural, arts, literary and sports meet, greater trade and softening borders etc. Durrani talks about „models‟ or durable formal structures that will arbitrate and look after comprehensive security and cooperation between the two countries. The underlying principle in forming these institutions is that the diplomatic progress achieved during a particular period or tenure should not go in vain with a change in regime on the either of the sides. There has to be a permanent institution that will look after the continuity of the peace process. It is a theoretical attempt to regulate and institutionalize the behavior of both India and Pakistan.
The book is an absolutely must read not just for the people in policy making circles. It is in fact an important motive of the authors to bring it to the attention of those in power, that there are still many options available. Away from the widespread hostility for the neighboring nation, this book comes across as a work that defies all pessimistic and narrowly nationalistic considerations to which the Durrani calls „Diwangi‟ (madness).
The book ends with a chapter named „Akhand Bharat Confederation Doctrine‟ in which Dulat and Durrani can be seen thinking out loud about the much talked about concepts of Akhand Bharat and the Confederation of India. The chapter is absolutely intriguing as it sheds light on the uncomfortable facts (from Indian point of view) about the partition of India. One need not stretch one‟s imagination to get an idea as to how the discourse was manipulated and false narratives were set in the independent India about the Partition.
The arguments made by the authors are based on certain untenable assumptions of nations and leaders being rational actors all the time. It is not that the authors don‟t recognize this fact. But that‟s precisely why they seek to diffuse decision making by getting intelligence officers and wise men – experts in various fields involved in the process.
Secondly, the decision making will improve and break through will be achieved only if the bureaucracy changes its attitude. It will take great bureaucratic reforms in India and Pakistan.
More importantly, Mr. Durrani Mr Durrani emphatically argues that army men of either side fight each other with dignity and there's no aspect of religious hatred involved. This argument runs the risk of generalization. Many scholars and academicians have time and again asserted that religious indoctrination is and has been an integral part of the Pakistan army. On the other hand, in the Indian army, the number of Muslims is not very high and it is not a coincidence.
The book nonetheless makes a very good read for it has looked at issues afresh and like never before.
