Abstract:
This review paper provides a comprehensive analysis of India's strategic advancements in the domain of drone and underwater warfare. As the world witnesses a paradigm shift in military technologies and tactics, India has been actively pursuing innovative approaches to bolster its national security. This paper explores India's evolving drone capabilities, encompassing both unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and autonomous ground vehicles (AGVs), and its burgeoning expertise in underwater warfare, including submarine technology and underwater drones. We examine India's strategic imperatives, technological developments, operational challenges, and regional implications in these critical defense domains. The paper underscores the significance of India's endeavors in shaping the future of warfare and offers insights into the nation's evolving role on the global stage.
Keywords:India, Drone Warfare, Underwater Warfare, Military Technology, National Security and Strategic Advancements.
Introduction:
With growing technological development and artificial intelligence, there is also growing terrorism and crimes. It goes without saying that man-controlled machines will be used to wage future battles. Humans may be eliminated from dangerous operations and battlefields by technology. In fact, the majority of the fighting may be carried out by machines under human supervision. Although that is yet a ways off, there are already some hints of it in the here and now.
Having been astounded by the deadly potential of drones in the air, ships all over the world are now considering the immense advantages of having autonomous underwater vehicles. Consider an underwater unmanned combat vehicle that is as deadly as any submarine and doesn't require you to supply it with food, water, or air. An underwater unmanned vehicle (UUV) can be thought of as a submarine with a mind of its own.
Recently, an Iranian drone attacked a ship that was previously owned by Zodiac Maritime, a business controlled by an Israeli millionaire. There were no recorded injuries and the ship only received minor damage. But when an explosive-equipped drone attacked an Iranian tanker in April while it was passing near the Syrian coast, a fire broke out, and at least three people—including two crew members—were murdered. According to the Syrian Oil Ministry, an Israeli drone attack caused the tanker to catch fire, and the pro-Damascus al-Mayadeen TV verified this information. Israel was thought to be responsible for the attack, but the Israeli military chose not to respond.1
Armed US unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), sometimes known as drones in common parlance, are already fighting in conflict zones in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, and Yemen under the supervision of controllers stationed hundreds or even thousands of miles away. Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAVs), such as the MQ1 Predator and MQ9 Reapers, have killed dozens of Taliban warlords. In fact, the prospect of getting such drones has air forces all over the world jubilant since it eliminates the dangers of utilising highly modern fighter planes flown by pilots, such as pilot loss or capture and loss of the jets' incredibly expensive weaponry. Additionally, UCAVs have a lower radar signature than fighters or bombers.2
Virtually every nation with a military production system worth the name has entered the race with UCAVs, with the Russians with their Okhotnik and the Israelis with their Elbit Hermes 450 closely following in the footsteps of the US. As a matter of fact, the Chinese are now regarded as industry leaders because of the success of CAIG Wing Loong, which is a popular purchase.3
In order to perform tasks related to intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR), anti-submarine warfare (ASW), and mine-countermeasures (MCM), the Indian Navy is also interested in purchasing high endurance unmanned underwater vehicles.
In order to acquire autonomous underwater vehicles (AUVs) or underwater drones with dual observation and strike capabilities, the Ministry of Defence (MoD) started a preliminary acquisition process in June 2022. Real-time images and "improved submarine situational awareness" are further goals of the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO).
India’s Need for Drones and UUVs:
The majority of blue and green water navies are quickly adopting drones as important equipment. Unmanned aerial and undersea vehicles (UAVs & UUVs) are among them. They can do ISR (intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance), SAR (search and rescue), target acquisition, and precision strikes, among other tasks. Drone stealth, maneuverability, and lethality will rise in the future years with the use of developing technology like artificial intelligence (AI), hyperspectral imaging (HIS), advanced robotics, etc.
Drones can have a number of benefits over large naval warships like frigates, destroyers, and corvettes. They do not encounter the traditional "sitting duck" problem, to start. Second, they lessen the possibility of collateral damage to property and human life. Third, they move quickly, change directions quickly, and attack quickly. Fourthly, as output is increased, they become less expensive since their assembly line requires less capital. Fifth, they can play a role in both anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) and area dominance (AD) strategies. Due to these considerations, huge swaths of the high seas may be monitored and guarded at comparatively modest acquisition and operating expenses, thus increasing the returns on investment (RoI).
With a 6.8% share of the total UAV transfers or deliveries reported worldwide in 2020, India is the third largest importer of military-grade drones, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute's (SIPRI) Arms Transfers Database. These drones have primarily focused on ISR.4
The armed forces are now able to lease military equipment to lower the original capital cost thanks to new defence procurement regulations that took effect in October 2020. The first service to make use of this clause was the navy. In November 2020, it leased two MQ-9B Sea Guardian drones for ISR from the US Company General Atomics. They were rented for a year with the possibility of an additional year. These flying capabilities, which have a 30-hour endurance and a range of more than 5000 nautical miles, have improved the navy's overall situational awareness and allowed it to monitor "vehicles of interest" in IOR.
Over the past two years, the Navy has exerted significant pressure on the government to buy at least ten sophisticated drones and surveillance systems. More drones, particularly ones with weapons, were also requested by the other two services. 30 MQ-9 Reaper/Predator B drones, 10 for each of the three services, were subsequently selected to be bought. This $3 billion agreement will probably be signed during the following 2+2 bilateral negotiations. According to recent sources, the US has improved the agreement with India by providing a discount and establishing a maintenance, repair, and overhaul (MRO) centre that will serve all of these American systems in the area.5
The Navy is planning to buy remotely operated underwater vehicles (ROUVs) and autonomous underwater vehicles (AUVs) to improve its underwater domain awareness (UDA). To create these platforms, its design wing is actively working with numerous participants in the commercial sector, including L&T. China had previously stationed a fleet of unmanned underwater vehicles (UUVs) called the Sea Wing (Haiyi) glider in the area for naval intelligence reasons. They are frequently seen by fishermen in the area, and Indonesia has taken some of them from its territorial waters.
Larsen & Toubro (L&T) and Bengaluru-based New Space Research & Technologies have signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) to design and produce "underwater launched UAVs" under the DRDO's Technology Development Fund programme. According to public sources, the underwater drone developed by L&T-New Space Research & Technologies will initially be used "exclusively for surveillance purposes" and is known as Amogh.6
Countering China’s Presence in the IOR:
In recent decades, Indian near-seas have seen Chinese warships and nuclear submarines. Additionally, the Indian strategic community has encouraged the government to accelerate the Navy's modernization because of the Chinese fishing militia and the rising number of CCP (N) Research Vessels that have been spotted in the area.
In order to further the Chinese Communist Party's strategic goal of expanding the geographical reach and lethality of the PLA Navy's blue-water submarine fleet, China is conducting deep seabed survey activities with the intention of extracting natural resources and gathering oceanographic data.
Deep bed surveys provide the PLA Navy with oceanographic data on the “bottom contours, water temperature, salinity”, and other aspects of what the Chinese refer to as the "ocean battle-space environment."
Pressure on New Delhi is being increased by China's aggressive submarine and ship deployment in the Indian Ocean region and the advancement of the One Belt and Road Initiative. A significant historical example of Beijing's interventionist territorial and marine policies was its seizure of the Paracel Islands in 1974. Fear of Chinese expansion in the region is growing as a result of operations to militarise the Tibetan Plateau, naval access through the One Belt and Road Initiative, improvement of high-altitude airfields supporting PLA Air Force operations, and modernization of road and rail networks. China has a strategic, military, and geopolitical interest in the Indian Ocean region.
The goal is always to acquire information and draw in the surrounding nations in the Indian Ocean Region. Increased naval drills, active participation in the seizure of South China Sea Islands, and an oceanographic data collection study of the island states all signal a paradigm shift in Beijing's interests. The main marine advantage strategy used by countries is maritime surveillance. China's "debt-trap-diplomacy" has proven successful in luring countries like Sri Lanka, which once sided with New Delhi, in order to establish control over naval operations in the Indian Ocean region.
China’s entry into the Indian Ocean Region is marked by monitoring, apart from the naval fleets, Beijing's strategic sway over neighbouring nations makes it challenging for New Delhi to escape Chinese meddling in any region. There have also been reports of underwater exploration and monitoring in Colombo. The Indian Navy believed that a Chinese submarine that was discovered in the waters close to the Colombo Port in 2014 was searching the ocean floor for minerals and resources.
In the year 2004, a Memorandum of Understanding was signed between China and Seychelles and investments were made in Colombo based projects to build Chinese military and surveillance facilities. Significant port expansions and facilities in Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Burma as well as maritime linkages to Maldives, Seychelles, and Mauritius are undeniable signs that the String of Pearls is fusing with the region's economic and military power.7
Due to Beijing's ability to expand its investment into Africa and the Indo-Pacific region and the practicality of starting survey projects, this programme gives China a significant competitive advantage over the West and the Subcontinent. Since 1990, a similar strategy has been used to mobilise African states to speak out against US policy at the UN General Assembly. The "One China Policy" provided the clout to diplomatically sever links between African nations and Taiwan and built an international consensus, which ultimately proved to be a political and strategic roadblock for Taiwan's fight for independence.8
The One China Policy is having a parallel resonance with the current endeavours in the Indian Ocean Region, including China's adventure in the Bay of Bengal and close to the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
Drone and submarine operations by the Chinese Navy (PLAN) are increasing. These strong gliders' data collection goals serve as a barometer for China's regional growth strategy. Despite the use of actual military assets, the recovery of the drones indicates how Chinese policy is playing out in the IOR, and expeditionary naval capacity shows the growing strategic danger that has been there since 2008.
If used properly, the strategic ramifications of the Indian Ocean Region are extensive. Trade routes and control over territorial sovereignty may be governed by the marine strategy in the area. The "Sea-Control" plan will have the twin benefit of enabling the usage of the sea in accordance with the intended defence and economic benefit metrics. In terms of IOR, Chinese underwater drones have been able to close the strategic information gap.
The response from New Delhi should concentrate on two parallel goals. India's diplomatic and strategic presence in IOR and the South China Sea dispute will achieve its objective of supporting its bilateral relations and establishing a counter-presence to PLAN while increasing its naval presence and naval exercises as well as military and strategic developments in neighbouring countries. To ensure its maritime security in the IOR and stop China's expanding surveillance efforts, New Delhi needs to maintain a robust, sensible, and diplomatic presence. The multilateral strategy may be the solution for
Conclusion:
USVs, UUVs, and NUAS can operate autonomously or under remote control. The latter uses sophisticated cameras and sensors as well as heavy use of artificial intelligence (AI), which is essential for tasks like autonomous navigation and the recognition and avoidance of obstacles. Though all three can be built to carry a payload of weapons and be used to attack enemy warships, they have primarily been employed for intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) up to this point. These unmanned vessels are used for oceanographic and hydrographic surveys as well as non-military purposes. While unmanned aerial vehicles (drones) and USVs feature computer software and artificial intelligence (AI) connected to cargo requirements, power and propulsion, hull design, and communications, drones and UAVs also carry sensors, target designators, transmitters, GPS, autopilot systems, and AI technologies.
According to Naval News, which cited a document from the Indian Ministry of Defence, the Indian Navy is interested in purchasing up to 12 XLUUVs. The prototype is anticipated to be available by 2025. The country is pursuing the armed platform as a result of a delay in the purchase of six locally produced diesel-electric submarines with air-independent propulsion technology.9
The Indian Navy is the most technologically advanced force and is regarded as a significant security role in the Indian Ocean region. India has been employing next generation platforms with cutting edge technologies to combat the new threats in the nearby seas.
It is not beyond the realm of possibilities that drones themselves may act as weapons in the form of anti-drone devices. This might be accomplished by commandeering unknown drones, gaining command of them, and directing them to collide with other drones or even crash them via non-kinetic methods.
On an additional level, several nations are considering converting surface warships into "drone mother ships" that can deploy unmanned maritime assets at important places after being launched and recovered. In order for Motherships to operate ahead of the fleet and serve as the typical "naval" scouts to warn of the enemy's arrival, the core concept of "drone Mothership" is "coordinated and controlled autonomy." They might also serve as the local area's command and control for several maritime drones. However, human intervention, i.e., humans, will determine whether to use lethal force in the case of armed drones.10
Military leaders are becoming more concerned about counter-drone technologies as a result of an increase in "security breach incidences" and the possibility of small, weaponized drone swarms being used in combat. Even more modest fleets are searching for these technologies because they are eager to obtain them. At least two businesses have joined the market as a result of Israel's success in counter-drone technologies. Israel Aerospace Industries produces Drone Guard, a drone detection and disruption technology that has been available since 2016, while Elbit technology created ReDrone, a counter-drone device that specialises in hacking and redirecting drones.
The navies may deploy sensors floating or tethered to the seabed for extended periods of time, and they may use underwater blimps and drones in swarms. These can be placed in advantageous positions underwater and can wait until their prey approaches them. The same is true for autonomous anomaly detection on a variety of subsea operations using an autonomous underwater drone or ROV equipped with sensors and artificial intelligence components.
The Indian Navy is in an unusual situation. Major changes are being seen in the complexity and kind of dangers that are emerging in the Indian Ocean. IOR, which is a component of the Indo-Pacific region, is quickly emerging as a crucial arena for great power struggle and war. However, in order to prepare for these new strategic realities, the navy is also receiving the least portion of the defence budget. After Galwan, New Delhi's attention has once more turned to its land boundaries, at least temporarily. Building drone combat capabilities offers one solution to the problem in this case, albeit to a limited extent.11
The INS Nireekshak, which provides diving support, is one of the resources available to the Indian Navy for use in underwater operations. Additionally, it has Deep Sea Submergence Vehicles (DSSVs) for submarine rescue as well as a Deep Submergence Rescue Vehicle (DSRV) that can be used for other specific tasks besides submarine rescue.
