Thru’ the Desk of the Editor
Rising India wants a seat at table of global powers. India is ready to set its own terms on everything from defence to climate to trade. The main reason for its greater importance is its phenomenal economic growth, which averaged over 7 per cent annually since end of 2000s. With 8.7 per cent growth in 2021, India is fifth largest economic power. India’s influence has increased significantly in recent years, having ambitions to be a global player and Vishwaguru. Global power politics is a serious game requiring countries that matter to think and act big.
India’s External Relations – New Dynamism
Prime Minister (PM) Narendra Modi has surprised the world with his enthusiasm for rejuvenating India’s foreign policy. PM Modi warmed up to America, recast approach to China and Pakistan, sustained old friendship with Russia, deepened strategic partnership with Japan and Australia, boosted India’s neighbourhood policy, wooed international business leaders and reconnected with Indian diaspora. His determination to make diplomacy base of India’s economic advancement helped Delhi build up India’s comprehensive national power, expand traditional spheres of influence in Indo-Pacific and restore India’s geopolitical momentum to be a responsible power that is unabashed in its quest for greater strategic influence in global arena. Modi totally redefined and restructured Indian diplomacy architecture making it entirely India-centric and India’s proactive diplomatic initiatives have led to high level engagement with unprecedented number of countries. India’s global footprint is scripting narrative about India’s transition from being balancer to becoming leader, from following rules to making rules. PM Modi’s approach to global affairs is based on linking foreign policy to domestic transformation.
Tradition of Nonalignment
India has multiple alliances – concept that fits with tradition of nonalignment. Although India is member of Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) along with U.S., Australia and Japan, India did not yield to U.S. and European pressure in UN votes condemning Russian war of aggression but instead abstained from voting. At same time, in September 2022, PM Modi told Russian President at meeting of Shanghai Cooperation Council that “Today’s era is not an era of war”. India’s good economic relationship with Russia is not maintained secretly. India has been importing armaments technology from Russia for decades and continues to rely on Moscow’s cooperation. In course of Ukraine war, India increased its oil imports from Russia, at reduced prices. Responding to reproaches regarding India’s oil imports, India’s External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar retaliated about European hypocrisy: ‘Europe has imported six times fossil fuel from Russia than India since February 2022. When countries with per capita income of $ 60,000 think they want to look after their own interests when it comes to energy supply, then that is legitimate. But, they should not expect a country with per capita income of $ 2000 to take a hit.’
Immediate and Distant Neighbourhood
India has rediscovered its ‘immediate neighbourhood’ of South Asia, manifested in phrase ‘neighbourhood first’, demonstrated when Modi invited all leaders of South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation and Mauritius to his swearing–in ceremony in May 2014. India’s foreign policy reveals wide range of India’s ties with countries globally. India is leading member of UN, invitee to G7, founding member of BRICS and Presidency for G20 2023. India perceives itself as member of group of nations that control world affairs and has nurtured relations with major powers U.S., EU, Germany, France, U.K., Japan, Russia and China. Equations today with neighbours Bhutan, Bangladesh and Maldives are excellent; ASEAN and West Asia matured.
Windows of Opportunity
India can benefit from skepticism about China’s policies. China’s aggressive foreign policy, lack of transparency, upheavals from threat of collapse in supply chains have led to rethinking. Many governments regard diversification of supply chains as measure to reduce dependency and increase resilience of their own societies, which offers opportunity to India, having great potential in its welltrained professionals and large Indian market as attractions to foreign investors.
Windows of Opportunity
India can benefit from skepticism about China’s policies. China’s aggressive foreign policy, lack of transparency, upheavals from threat of collapse in supply chains have led to rethinking. Many governments regard diversification of supply chains as measure to reduce dependency and increase resilience of their own societies, which offers opportunity to India, having great potential in its well-trained professionals and large Indian market as attractions to foreign investors.
G20 Presidency for India 2023
India has assumed presidency of G20 for 2023 and is shaping G20 Agenda; striving to make unheard voices of Global South heard; focusing on recommitting G20's efforts to achieving targets laid out in SDG 2030 Agenda; continues pressing for reformed multilateralism that creates more accountable, inclusive, equitable and representative multipolar international system fit for addressing challenges in 21st century; highlighting inclusive growth and development; foregrounding its belief in human-centric approach to technology; focusing on areas having potential to bring structural transformation.
Managing Relations with China
The critical situation in the region is reflected in India’s longstanding conflict with Pakistan and difficult relationship with China. China’s preferential relationship with Pakistan and unresolved territorial disputes, are source of worry for New Delhi. Beijing’s New Silk Road Project and China’s presence in Indian Ocean are further heating up the situation. India and China are cooperating in areas such as BRICS, SCO and G20, but relations remain conflicted.
Balancing Ties with United States and Russia
India has traditionally had strong ties with Russia, but in recent years has also developed strategic partnership with United States. Balancing interests of both countries has been challenge for India. With ongoing Ukraine war, India has been subjected to increasing attacks from West, for abstaining from UN resolutions and purchasing Russian oil. To address this, India needs to avoid taking sides and put forward its national interests on top.
Combating Terrorism
Combating terrorism is important foreign policy objective for India, as India has faced number of terrorist attacks, particularly from Pakistan-based groups. With rising security threats, New Delhi conducted first meeting of India-Central Asia NSAs. Such regional cooperation meetings raise several critical issues, including terror financing and counterterrorism. India needs to step up its game internationally to dismantle terror networks and funding. India has sought to hold accountable those individuals / groups who support or sponsor terrorism. India needs to enhance diplomatic game at UN and name perpetrators and protectors of fringe entities.
Energy Security
Energy security is important factor in India’s foreign policy to ensure stable and reliable supply of energy to meet its growing needs and is a concern due to its reliance on energy imports. India has pursued number of strategies to secure its energy needs, whether it is building international partnerships with key energy-producing countries and regions or investing in overseas energy assets including oil and natural gas fields, to ensure stable energy supply.
Shaping India’s Relations with Africa
Africa is important contributor to world economy and home to number of important resource-rich countries. Africa is major producer of oil, natural gas, minerals and agricultural products, which are in high demand globally. Africa is large and growing consumer market, which presents opportunities for companies looking to expand their businesses. To envision goal of $5 Trillion economy, India needs to shape its ties with Africa, keeping eye on China. Chinese investments are biggest contributors to Africa’s development and China is most favourable partner, but its record of debt diplomacy makes way easier for India. India can leverage its soft power in shaping new-era ties with African countries strengthening economic, cultural and developmental relations through trade and investment agreements, joint ventures and infrastructure development projects; exchange programs, cultural festivals and educational initiatives; technical assistance, aid and capacity building for economic / social development.
India as Vishwaguru
Ambitions of India to enact role of Vishwaguru are conspicuous feature of foreign policy discourse under contemporary rule in India. PM Narendra Modi’s declaration that India can offer the world democratic instruction does not stem solely from his desire to bring glory to India’s ancient civilization on world stage but has wider ambitions for India to emerge as ‘Vishwaguru’. The idea of Vishwaguru as outward facing social and political project of state has pedagogic and transformative dimensions. Ian Hall, in his study of Modi’s approach to foreign policy, defines ‘Vishwaguru’ as ‘the notion that India has a unique mission in the world and unique wisdom to convey’. Significance of international social context in co-constitution of Vishwaguru as transformative impulse has to be considered. Insufficient recognition for India from western states has been central to historical construction of idea of Vishwaguru. Elevating notion above Modi moment and milieu, Vishwaguru is shorthand for wider nationalist and civilizational beliefs, extending from nineteenth century to present, that have operated with ‘sense of mission’ in the world. Mission of Vishwaguru is more than outward projection of discrete civilizational ideas that operate as diplomatic lubricant in pursuit of interests or constitute repository of norms that exert normative power. These are lower-order practices than central imperatives, which are quest for superior social positioning and pedagogic purpose of Vishwaguru. Their combined aim is to remake global social hierarchy of civilizations and states.
Modi’s framing of India as Vishwaguru dovetails with particular geopolitical moment – where core states of liberal international order and their allies envision India as material and ideological swing state in an era marked by rise and challenge of China. Forging of strategic partnerships with U.S., U.K., Australia, EU and high-profile platforming of India as guardian of liberal order and democracy deliver recognition that affirms India’s superiority on global stage.
Becoming Vishwaguru is largely considered sentiment of national ambition and there is nothing wrong about need to have a national aspiration. To believe that India is incapable of pursuing this aspiration is injustice to our past, present and future too. This is because of India’s unique worldview emanating from civilizational culture; secondly, India’s remarkable achievements during last 75 years; and thirdly, India’s intrinsic strength to offer something that global community critically requires. With beginning of “Amritkaal”, 25-year period beginning from 75th anniversary of India’s independence on 15 August 2022, leading up to centenary of its independence, towards a futuristic, prosperous, inclusive and developed society distinguished by human-centric approach at its core, what has been achieved by India is remarkable. From agricultural production to advancement in nuclear and space technology, from ensuring affordable healthcare to setting up world-class educational institutions, from ayurveda to biotechnology, from giant steel plants to becoming IT power, what India has achieved in post-independence journey is truly impressive. Popular commitment has made India one of most vibrant democracies. Factors that underscore this include strong democratic institutions, rule of law, respected electoral body, vigorous media and vibrant civil society. It is ‘Idea of India’ to consider ‘world as one family’ or Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam. India is a Vishwaguru and can truly aspire to spread light of knowledge for benefit of global community in multiple ways.
Articles in this edition of Journal examine various dimensions of Diplomacy and Security issues.
Editorial Board
Adv. S. N. Desai - Editor
Prof. Pradeep Kamat – Associate Editor
Lt. Gen. (Dr.) D. B. Shekatkar
Dr. Prabhakaran Paleri
Dr. Seshadri Chari
Shri. Nitin Gokhale
Editorial Advisory Board
Prof. Dr. Uttara Sahasrabudhe
Prof. Dr. Shrikant Paranjpe
Prof. Dr. Manish Srivastav
Prof. Dr. Dattesh Parulekar